Scholarly Articles

References

Taylor, J. (1990). The causes and prevention of drug abuse in professional sports in America. Psychotherapy and Private Practice, 8, 23-30.

Taylor, J. (1991). Career direction, development, and opportunities in applied sport psychology. The Sport Psychologist, 5, 266-280.

Taylor, J. (1992). Coaches are people too: An applied model of stress management for sport coaches. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 4, 27-50.

Simons, R., & Taylor, J. (1992). A psychosocial model of fan violence. International Journal of Sport Psychology, 23, 207-226.

Taylor, J., & Schneider, B.A. (1992). The Sport-Clinical Intake Protocol: A comprehensive interviewing instrument for sport. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 23, 318-325.

Taylor, J., Horevitz, R., & Balague, G. (1993). The use of hypnosis in applied sport psychology. The Sport Psychologist, 7, 58-78.

Chiert, T., Gold, S.N., & Taylor, J. (1994). Substance abuse training in APA-accredited doctoral programs in clinical psychology: A survey. Psychological Bulletin, 25, 80-84.

Taylor, J., & Demick, A. (1994). A multidimensional model of momentum in sports. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 6, 51-70.

Taylor, J., & Ogilvie, B.C. (1994). A conceptual model of adaptation to retirement among athletes. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 6, 1-20.

Taylor, J., & Cuave, K. (1994). The sophomore slump among professional baseball players: Real or imagined? International Journal of Sport Psychology, 25, 230-238.

Taylor, J. (1994). Examining the boundaries of sport science and psychology trained practitioners in applied sport psychology: Title usage and area of competence. Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, 6, 185-195.

Taylor, J. (1995). A conceptual model of the integration of athletic needs and sport demands in the development of competitive mental preparation strategies. The Sport Psychologist, 9, 339-357.

Andersen, M.B., Williams, J.M., Aldridge, T., & Taylor, J. (1997). Tracking the Training and Careers of Graduates of Advanced Degree Programs in Sport Psychology, 19891994. The Sport Psychologist, 11, 326-344.

Taylor, J., & Taylor, S. (1998). Pain education and management in the rehabilitation from sports injury. The Sport Psychologist, 12, 68-88.

Taylor, J. (2008.). Prepare to succeed: Private consulting in applied sport psychology. Journal of Clinical Sport Psychology, 2, 160-177.

Available upon request (not online)

Taylor, J. (1981). The effects of mental fitness on athletic performance. International Journal of Sport Psychology, 12, 87-95.

Riess, M. & Taylor, J. (1984). Ego-involvement and attributions for success and failure in a field setting. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 10, 536-543.

Taylor, J. (1987). Predicting athletic performance with self-confidence and somatic and cognitive anxiety as a function of motor and physiological requirements in six sports. Journal of Personality, 3, 1-15.

Taylor, J. (1987). A review of validity issues in sport psychological research: Types, problems, solutions. Journal of Sport Behavior, 10, 3-13.

Taylor, J. & Boggiano, A.K. (1987). The effects of task-specific self-schemata on attributions for success and failure. Journal of Research in Personality, 21, 375-388.

Taylor, J. (1988). Slumpbusting: A systematic analysis of slumps in sports. The Sport Psychologist, 2, 39-48.

Taylor, J. (1989). The effects of performance and competitive self-efficacy and differential outcome feedback on subsequent self-efficacy and performance. Cognitive Therapy and Research, 13, 67-79.

Taylor, J. & Riess, M. (1989). A field experiment of "self-serving" attributions to valenced causal factors. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 15, 337-348.

THE CAUSES AND PREVENTION OF DRUG ABUSE

IN PROFESSIONAL SPORTS IN AMERICA

Jim Taylor

Abstract

This paper examines some of the major issues associated with drug use and abuse in professional sports. In particular, the reasons why athletes may take drugs and means of primary prevention is addressed. More specifically, it is believed that athletes take drugs because they have not developed effective intra- and interpersonal skills to cope constructively with the pressures exerted by management, media, and fans. A broad-based program of primary prevention is offered that attempts to circumvent the most significant causes of drug abuse. The first phase of the program involves drug education that provide honest, straightforward information about the benefits and detriments of various drugs. Second, because drug use is not believed to be controlled by purely rational decision-making, "emotional education" modeled after the "Scared Straight" programs with juvenile delinquents would be used to reach young athletes at the "gut" level. Third, effective coping and general life skills would be taught as a means of providing the athletes with ways of constructively handling the pressure. Finally, a supportive environment would be developed to assist the athletes in coping with their lifestyle and the associated difficulties.

The Causes and Prevention of Drug Abuse

in Professional Sports in America

Public opinion polls indicate that drug abuse is the most significant concern among the American people today. As sports are a microcosm of life, drug abuse may now be the greatest problem faced by the athletic community.

It has been suggested that the incidence of drug abuse is no greater in sports than in the general population. Further, we are only more acutely aware of it because of the extreme visibility of athletes. However, this contention is questionable. The rash of suspensions due to drug testing violations in the National Football League recently suggests that its occurrence may be significant and increasing (Hoffman & Jennings, 1987; "Suspended Players", 1988). Regardless, the widespread use of drugs in professional sports deserves special attention by everyone within and outside of the sports world because of the very exposure that brings it to our attention and the profound influence that professional athletes have on young people.

Current Status

Considerable efforts have been made by the professional leagues and their teams to address these problems. In particular, there has been an attempt to view drug abuse as a problem that requires medical and psychological treatment in addition to punitive action. This perspective has lead to drug rehabilitation programs and greater support for the abusing athletes. Though these efforts have been commendable, they also appear to be short-sighted and largely ineffective. Of particular concern is the use of short-term rehabilitation programs which provide a 30-day detoxification plan for athletes and then put them immediately back into the environment that triggered the abuse initially. Research on the efficacy of these programs in the general population indicates a recidivism rate of up to 70% (Craig, 1985; Jaffe, 1984; Sackstein, 1983). The preponderance of "two-time losers" in professional sports indicates that they may not be effective in the sports domain either. Unfortunately, the reasons for this type of treatment program are financial rather than humanitarian. Specifically, insurance companies typically cover only a 28-day program for drug treatment. In addition, sports teams are highly motivated to return their abusing players to competition for the sake of winning and justifying the salaries that they are paying these players.

Despite these efforts, there has been little discussion of several fundamental questions related to drug abuse in professional sports. First, what are the causes of the drug problem in professional sports? Second, why do athletes in some sports take drugs while those in other sports do not? Third, how can drug abuse be prevented?

Causes of Drug Abuse

There seem to be two general reasons why athletes take drugs. First, they are used to enhance performance (Fuller & LaFountain, 1987). Drugs such as anabolic steroids, amphetamines, cocaine, and other stimulants fall into this category (Dyment, 1987). For this class of abusers, there is a certain, though twisted, logic to their use. In addition, there is considerable pressure from media, fans, and management that motivates the athletes to use these drugs. The fact is, these substances do enhance performance in the short term. As such, athletes are simply taking every advantage to maximize their performances. Unfortunately, athletes tend to be near-sighted and, as a result, do not consider the long-term physical, psychological, and social harm they are incurring.

The second reason that has been suggested why athletes take drugs is for reasons of escape. In other words, they are unable to constructively cope with the pressures of professional sports and, as a result, turn to illicit substances as a means of offering relief. Drugs commonly used for this purpose are alcohol, marijuana, and cocaine. This purpose will be the focus of the present article.

It is instructive to note that drug abuse is not widespread in all sports. For example, there is little evidence of drug use in professional tennis and golf, although there is some research to suggest that there is at the collegiate level (Cook & Tricker, 1987). In contrast, substance abuse in football, basketball, and baseball is well-documented ("Suspended Players, 1988, Johnson, 1988). Moreover, there are some clear differences between the two classes of sports that may explain the differential use of drugs. Perhaps the most significant difference is the socioeconomic status of the athletes who participate. Traditionally, tennis players and golfers come from predominantly affluent backgrounds. In contrast, a significant number of the athletes who play football, basketball, and baseball are from lower SES backgrounds. These divergent upbringings result in differential experiences with respect to money, the development of social and communication skills, and intellectual and emotional maturity. This observation is critical because it is this difference in upbringing that may be the primary cause of drug abuse in the league sports.

A second distinction is between individual and team sports. Participants in individual sports are, by the nature of the sport, required to develop independence, assertiveness, and maturity because they do not have anyone upon whom to rely. In addition, the structure of the professional tours is such that their rewards are contingency-based, i.e., they are rewarded for their performances. In contrast, team sports have an elaborate structure that assumes many of the responsibilities of these athletes. Moreover, it is these responsibilities that result in the development of maturity and effective coping skills. Additionally, team athletes are typically paid prior to their performances, i.e., before the competitive season.

This difference between the two classes of sports may contribute to more problems among athletes in the team sports. Moreover, it is commonly believed in the psychology community that people who develop maladaptive patterns of behavior such as drug use, do so because they have not learned how to cope with problems in a healthy manner. From this perspective, these athletes take drugs because they are ill-equipped emotionally and experientially to effectively deal with the pressures under which they are placed.

An additional question that must be asked is: Who is responsible for the current drug situation? Certainly, that ethereal entity known as society has to bear much of the blame. Society creates certain misperceptions about athletes like Johnny O. (see side box). First, athletes are led to believe they are superhuman and invulnerable. They believe that they are not susceptible to the ills of mortal men. A powerful example of this attitude can be seen with professional football player, Lawrence Taylor, who believed that he could cure himself of a cocaine problem by playing golf every day (Taylor & Falkner, 1987). This belief on the part of athletes results in maladaptive behaviors such as taking drugs, which are clearly harmful, and subsequent denial of the problem. They cannot accept the fact that they are drug abusers because it is inconsistent with their belief that they are invincible, which has been reinforced in them for years (McGuire, 1987). This misguided attitude will certainly prevail until the athletes are forced, through drug testing or severe health difficulties, to face and accept their problems.

On a more interpersonal level, parents, coaches, and fans make a very important and, often inappropriate, assumption. Namely, people assume that because athletes are physically mature, they are also psychologically and emotionally mature. It is this assumption that may be another fundamental cause of the substance abuse problem in professional sports.

Prevention

Addressing the issue of preventing substance abuse is a difficult one because of the multi-dimensional nature of the problem. Perhaps of foremost importance is the necessity to be realistic. It is unlikely that it can be made less competitive or the pressures associated with participation in professional sports can be removed through direct intervention.

We can, however, ameliorate the problem at a more molecular level, i.e., the individual athletes (Swisher & Hu, 1983). Initially, this process involves education in several domains. First, it is necessary to provide accurate information about the effects of drugs. How do they affect athletes physically and psychologically? What are the long- and short-term effects of the drugs?

An emphasis must be placed on being honest about drugs with the athletes. For example, despite denial by many people in the medical community, steroids do appear to provide significant faster and greater muscle development than training alone (Haupt & Rovere, 1984). By not misleading athletes, they may become more trustful of reliable information and are less likely to pursue the use of illicit drugs.

A significant first step and a preliminary model for future drug education in sport has recently been introduced by the National Collegiate Athletic Association under the direction of Drs. David Cook and Ray Tricker of the University of Kansas. They have produced a series of videos that provide honest and straightforward information to athletes about the various classes of drugs. These videos act as a springboard for discussions among athletes, coaches, and trained professionals about the significant issues involving athletes and drugs.

This type of drug education is of critical importance. It must be pointed out, however, that such an educational approach is of an intellectual, rational nature. Yet, athletes do not respond to reason alone. It is likely that a significant number of athletes who take drugs have a reasonable understanding of their dangers, but, nevertheless, take drugs in spite of the risks. It appears that athletes take drugs for a variety of emotional reasons such as a lack of self-confidence or motivation, fear of failing, or the absence of appropriate constructive coping skills.

At this level, education that models itself after the "Scared Straight" programs used with juvenile delinquents may be employed. This type of education involves having professional athletes who are former drug abusers describe their experiences to younger athletes. This "emotional education" reaches athletes at a "gut" level. This two-pronged (rational and emotional) approach should have a more comprehensive and influential effect on athletes.

The next step in the drug education program involves teaching constructive coping and general life skills to athletes (Meichenbaum, 1977 Kirschenbaum, 1984). As suggested above, a primary cause of substance abuse may be the absence of alternative means of handling stressful situations. As a result of developing effective coping skills, athletes will not need drugs to deal with their problems. Skills that are important to professional athletes include competence in communication, relaxation and confidence-building techniques, motivation strategies, and time and money management training. It is suggested that this type of training could be a valuable part of preparation for professional sports.

Finally, an important aspect of addressing the drug abuse problem is to furnish a supportive environment in which athletes can seek out assistance as an alternative to turning to drugs. This support can be provided by easy accessibility to and social acceptance of a psychologist in the sport setting. Moreover, psychologists can play a significant role in several areas of drug use control including the identification and early intervention of athletes who are most susceptible to drug involvement and regular involvement with the athletes on individual and team levels.

This preventive model may be beneficial to the individual athletes, the sports organizations, and society as a whole. At an individual level, the athletes would demonstrate a higher level of mental health, be better adjusted and more mature, and, as a result, be able to performance better. At an organizational level, these better functioning and higher performing athletes would generate higher quality team performances and greater financial gains for their teams. Lastly, at the societal level, the change among the professional athletes should proliferate down through the sports community to young athletes through sound role modeling and continuing education.

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CAREER DIRECTION, DEVELOPMENT, AND OPPORTUNITIES

IN APPLIED SPORT PSYCHOLOGY

Jim Taylor

Abstract

Perhaps the most important questions that aspiring applied sport psychologists must ask are: "How do I obtain the necessary education and experience that will enable to me to develop a successful career in applied sport psychology?" and "Given the appropriate preparation, what can I do to maximize my opportunities in applied sport psychology?". The present article addresses some of the critical issues that are involved in the development of a successful career in applied sport psychology by offering a three-phase model of career direction, development, and opportunities. In particular, educational direction and training, supplemental experience, and sport, exercise, or health involvement are considered. Specific concerns related to these areas are discussed relative to the enhancement of career development and opportunities.

Career Direction, Development, and Opportunities

in Applied Sport Psychology

During the past decade, there has been considerable discussion of and debate over the appropriate preparation for a career in sport psychology (Dishman, 1983; Nideffer, Feltz, & Salmela, 1982; USOC, 1983). This on-going dialogue has focused on what comprises the most effective education and experience for competence in the field.

A first step in developing systematic guidelines for the training of sport psychologist occurred in 1983 when a committee of experts appointed by the United States Olympic Committee delineated three types of sport psychologists: clinical, educational, and research (USOC, 1983). These categories were characterized in terms of differing education and training requirements (for a detailed description, see USOC, 1983).

In addition, the particular activities appropriate to the three types of sport psychologists were also clarified. Specifically, according to the report, the activities of clinical sport psychologists would include "helping athletes who experience severe emotional problems...examples of such problems include depression, anorexia, and panic...services also include crisis intervention" (p. 5). Educational sport psychologists could engage in "helping athletes to develop the psychological skills necessary for optimal participation...examples include relaxation, concentration, and imagery skills" (p. 5). Research sport psychologists' involvement was not clearly defined, "research was designated as a separate component, although it is understood that research is inherent in clinical and educational activities" (p. 5).

Though the criteria for inclusion into these categories were subsequently criticized (Heyman, 1984), the report did provide the field with a point of reference to begin the development of guidelines for the determination of competence. Recently, this issue has turned more directly toward the preparation of sport psychologists interested in working specifically in applied settings.

In response to strong interest in the more applied facets of sport psychology, the Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology (AAASP) was established in 1986 to address the unique concerns of applied sport psychologists. This organization, currently comprised of over 500 professional and student members working in both academia and private settings, represents practitioners involved in performance, exercise, health, and social aspects of applied sport psychology. AAASP characterizes applied sport psychology as "an educational enterprise involving the communication of principles of sport psychology to participants in sports training and competition, exercise, and physical activity" (AAASP, 1989, p. 1). The specific services provided by applied sport psychologists include:

1. Providing information relevant to the role of psychological factors in exercise, physical activity, and sport to individuals, groups, and organizations.

2. Teaching participants specific cognitive, behavioral, psycho-social, and affective skills for application in exercise, physical activity, and sport contexts. Such instruction or intervention could focus, for example, on relaxation, concentration, imagery, or moral reasoning.

3. Within exercise, physical activity, and sport settings, helping participants understand, measure, and improve relevant psychological factors, such as arousal, anxiety, audience effects, and coping skills.

4. Educating organizations and groups in areas such as improvement of adherence to exercise regimens, communication, team cohesion, and program development and evaluation (AAASP, 1989).

Recently, AAASP implemented a certification program in order to provide a foundation for regulation of applied sport psychologists (AAASP, 1989). This certification mandates that applicants produce evidence of knowledge, training, and experience in a multidisciplinary realm. Moreover, the implications of the certification program on graduate training may be potentially significant. Specifically, it is likely that, as the certification program gains recognition and stature, graduate programs will feel the necessity to offer curricula and training that satisfies the certification criteria. As a consequence, it may be that the establishment of the certification program will result in an increase in quality and uniformity in graduate training programs in applied sport psychology throughout North America.

Though this issue will continue to be discussed by the leaders in the field as applied sport psychology evolves, it is also of great importance to individuals interested in pursuing a career in applied sport psychology and those professionals currently involved in the development of academic training programs. Perhaps the most pressing question asked by aspiring sport psychologists is, "How do I obtain the necessary education and experience that will enable to me to develop a successful career in applied sport psychology?" Another pertinent question is, "Given the appropriate preparation, what can I do to maximize my opportunities in applied sport psychology?". For professionals, important questions are, "What can I do to ensure that my students will have the breadth and depth of training that will enable them to succeed in the field?" and "What is the best means of providing them with an organized view of what they need to accomplish?". With the state of the field at present, there are no immediate or easy answers to these queries. At this point, there are no clearly-defined guidelines for education and training in applied sport psychology. As a result, for students, there is considerable uncertainty about the best course to take in pursuit of a career in applied sport psychology.

This paper addresses the issue of career direction, development, and opportunities by presenting a three-phase model of formal education, supplemental experience, and sports involvement. This model offers practical issues in each topic that aspiring sport psychologists must consider, evaluate, and accomplish in the development of a career in applied sport psychology. These issues will be discussed relative to the particular concerns in each area and how they will lead to sound education and experience. The purpose of this model is twofold. One goal is to present individuals interested in the field with a comprehensive and systematic understanding of the important issues associated with developing a career in applied sport psychology, thus assisting them in making appropriate choices based on their needs and interests. The second purpose is to furnish professionals involved in the graduate training process with information that, though not necessarily new to them, will act as a reminder of the significant concerns that exist in the training process. In addition, the current model may provide structure to the previously known information, thereby resulting in a more organized manner in which to convey this knowledge to their students.

Formal Education

Educational Level. Preparation for a career in applied sport psychology would be best served by beginning at the undergraduate level. Though not absolutely necessary, this early exposure would enable the student interested in applied sport psychology to begin to develop a knowledge base in the field. Most major universities offer a variety of sport psychology courses to undergraduates that would assist them in further focusing their areas of interest. In addition, research and applied opportunities might be available which would enhance their understanding of the subject and facilitate their acceptance into graduate programs.

This undergraduate involvement provides students with their first contact with formal training in sport psychology. However, to date, there are no formalized sport psychology undergraduate degrees available in the United States. Rather, students interested in the field will major in either psychology, physical education, or a related field such as sport science or kinesiology. Therefore, specialized training in sport psychology is necessary at the graduate level.

Moreover, it appears that continued training at the graduate level would be most effective when it leads to a doctoral degree. Specifically, a review of membership in AAASP indicates that the vast majority of professional members possess doctoral degrees (89%) and those holding master's degrees are most often students pursuing the higher degree (72%; Robin Vealey, AAASP Membership Director, personal communication, May 25, 1990). Furthermore, the USOC's Sport Psychology Registry requires a doctorate for membership (USOC, 1983) and AAASP mandates a doctorate for certification (AAASP, 1989). Thus, the evidence suggests that a doctoral degree is, for all intents and purposes, an important component for a career in applied sport psychology.

Educational Direction. Once individuals have decided that they wish to pursue a career in applied sport psychology, it is necessary to choose an area of specialization based on their interests in the field, i.e., what they want to do as professionals. This decision is critical because it will determine the first major concern of a prospective sport psychologist, i.e., whether to pursue an education in psychology or physical education (USOC, 1983). A perusal of the 1990 membership data for AAASP indicates that the distribution of degrees is fairly even. Specifically, 46% of the membership possess degrees from the field of psychology and 41% hold degrees from physical education or related fields (AAASP, 1990a).

At this point, it will be worthwhile discussing these two educational directions in greater detail. Over the past decade, there has been considerable development in the field of physical education. This growth has resulted in a specialization of study within the traditional programs. In particular, other domains to emerge include more specialized training in exercise, health, and sport, and a greater focusing on specific disciplines such as biomechanics, exercise physiology, and sport psychology. Due to this expansion and specialization, many physical education programs have been renamed to better identify their areas of interest such as kinesiology, exercise science, sport science, and recreational studies. As a result, for the sake of parsimony, this paper will use the term, sport science, to indicate any of the above programs that have within them specializations that are substantially sport psychology in nature.

In considering psychology programs, it should be noted that there are many subdisciplines within psychology that are relevant to applied sport psychology including clinical, counseling, personality, social, cognitive, health, and developmental. Furthermore, individuals trained in these areas would be able to provide services in some area of applied sport psychology. However, a significant issue that has emerged with the growth in the provision of sport psychological services has been the range of services that can be ethically and legally offered by those individuals who are trained in clinical or counseling psychology and those trained in a sport science setting and nonservice-oriented psychology programs. As a result, much of the dichotomization in this present paper will be addressed within this framework. In particular, emphasis will be placed on academic training and experiences that allow persons to engage in various types of interventions. Consequently, the term, clinical psychology, will be used to indicate all areas of psychology that provide training in diagnostic assessment and intervention including clinical, counseling, and other related domains.

Addressing this issue more specifically, if the intent is to provide educational interventions in a sport, exercise, or health setting, then a sport science degree may be most appropriate. Once the decision to pursue a doctoral degree in sport science is made, it is then important to investigate the particular curricula of graduate programs. It must be stressed that sport science programs have differing emphases, e.g., applied issues in exercise, health, or sport, research, and/or teaching. As a consequence, it is important for graduate applicants to be sure that the program focus and the resulting educational and training opportunities are consistent with their professional goals.

In contrast, if the interest is in providing clinical intervention, i.e., psychotherapeutic strategies, then a clinical psychology degree is needed. It should be noted that, to date, there are few APA-approved clinical or counseling psychology programs in the U.S. that offer specialized sport psychology training. Only 11 out of 95 programs listed in the Directory of Graduate Program in Applied Sport Psychology published by AAASP fit into this category (Sachs & Burke, 1989). Consequently, it may be difficult, though not impossible, to obtain sound sport psychology training in a clinical psychology program without such a formal course of study. Most importantly, students who enter clinical psychology programs without a clearly-defined sport psychology specialization will be required to proactively develop their own program. This self-developed specialization may be achieved at several levels. First, in formal coursework, papers and presentations may be drawn from the sport psychological literature. Second, research requirements may be fulfilled through the investigation of sport psychological issues. Finally, students may ask for special supervision or obtain placement in a student counseling center that could serve the university athletes. Due to the dearth of sport psychology specializations in clinical psychology programs, this approach is the one typically taken. However, students who consider this path should be cautioned that this approach necessitates a greater degree of self-motivation, creativity, and initiative.

The decision of which educational path to take has later implications with respect to professional and ethical issues. In particular, as Dishman (1983) states, "sport psychologists should do what they are trained to do and only promise to deliver that of which they are capable" (p. 126). An example of this issue is that there is considerable debate concerning the limits of intervention in which sport science-trained sport psychologists may engage and whether it is appropriate for them to do individual work with athletes.

Similarly, there is concern about the ethicality of clinical psychologists with little or no sport science training working with athletes. It has been argued that athletes represent a special population and, as a result, require specialized training to treat them. Consequently, clinicians without specialized training in sports would be operating outside of their area of competence and, thus, would be acting unethically.

Moreover, it might be maintained that neither type of program will readily help students to understand some of the unique issues that athletes face such as the pressures that influence some to abuse drugs, the difficulties of career termination, and the trauma of sudden injury. As a result, regardless of the focus of the program, this knowledge can best be gained through specialized coursework and applied sport psychology experience.

Furthermore, there are some important practical concerns for prospective students with respect to the two educational paths. For example, individuals must determine the importance of issues including admission standards of the respective doctoral programs, length of the training programs, the proportion of psychology vs. sport science courses, and the importance of state licensure. These practical considerations must also be taken into account as part of the decision-making process.

Finally, there are different opportunities available to each specialization of study and this issue should also be included in the judgment process. In particular, as can be seen in Table 3, there is considerable overlap in opportunities including mental training, corporate health, and sports medicine. However, there is also divergence in opportunities. Specifically, clinical psychologists may engage in psychotherapy, psychodiagnostics, and are better suited for individual intervention. In contrast, sport science-trained sport psychologists may coach, work in youth sports programs, and are more suited for educational services to groups.

In addition, an other important consideration is that, since the majority of applied sport psychologists reside in academic settings, a significant advantage of the sport science-trained sport psychologist is the greater opportunity of obtaining a faculty position in a university setting. In fact, a review of the 1990 AAASP membership directory indicates that, of the 322 professional members, 205 hold academic positions. Moreover, of those positions, 110 reside in sport science programs, 39 in psychology departments, and 56 were unspecified. In addition, 91 members indicated that they were in some kind of private practice or other non-academic setting (AAASP, 1990b). However, it should be pointed out that it is unclear whether these individuals simply have an interest in sport psychology or the degree to which their private practice clientele is sport psychology related. Based on these statistics, the potential career opportunities may be viewed from a more realistic perspective. Specifically, consulting work appears to rarely be self-supporting, work with rehabilitation, special populations, or sports medicine typically require additional specialized training, and researcher and professor are usually joint careers.

A final point that should be considered is that only those individuals trained in psychology programs and/or whose primary job descriptions in a university or government setting is as a psychologist are legally allowed to use the term `psychology' in their job title (AAASP, 1989). It should be pointed out that this, at present, is rarely enforced. However, it is likely that, as sport psychology grows as a field, greater enforcement in the future can be anticipated. Moreover, only psychologists are eligible for state licensure. These realities have several practical implications. First, individuals must decide what they wish their professional title to be. It can be expected that in the future, sport science-trained sport psychologists may be required to come up with another name for what they do. AAAASP has already prepared for this eventuality by using the generic term, "certified consultant, AAASP" (AAASP, 1989). Second, from a financial perspective, an advantage of being a licensed psychologist is the availability of third-party reimbursement from insurance companies. This issue has significant implications with respect to the potential for remuneration for services rendered.

One practice that appears to be emerging among today's graduate students is to receive a master's degree in one relevant discipline and then obtain a doctoral degree in another specialty. In particular, some students acquire a master's degree in some area of psychology, then undertake their doctoral work in sport science. Similarly, others receive a master's degree in sport science, then pursue doctoral training in psychology. Typically, the doctoral study is the area of primary interest to the student. This approach appears to be sound because it provides extensive training in both meaningful areas within applied sport psychology, i.e., sport science and psychology.

In sum, it is of the utmost importance for people to have a clear understanding of their personal interests and professional goals, and the practical issues of graduate education, so that their training will be congruent with all of these concerns.

Educational Curriculum. Over the past decade, some leading sport psychologists have expressed their views on the issue of career preparation (Brown, 1982; Dishman, 1983; Mahoney, 1987; Nideffer, Feltz, & Salmela, 1982; Pargman, 1988; Singer, 1987; Smith, 1988; Williams, 1988). Coming from both sport science and psychology backgrounds, these professionals have offered differing perspectives on what is appropriate training in applied sport psychology. However, the overriding theme that has emerged, regardless of the educational direction of the commentator, is that effective training must emphasize an interdisciplinary approach that includes courswork and experience in "psychology, sport science, health, sociology..." (Mahoney, 1987, p. 6), and other relevant fields. As a consequence, regardless of the path taken, it is important that the curriculum provides both a specialized and a broad-based foundation of knowledge.

Traditionally, there has been considerable criticism of both tracks with respect to this issue. In particular, it has been argued that psychology programs have had little or no coursework in the sport sciences, resulting in psychologists having an inadequate understanding of the particular needs of athletes. Similarly, it has been contended that sport science programs have had limited coursework in psychology, thus producing professionals with insufficient appreciation for more holistic psychological concerns of athletes.

As a result, it is valuable for the doctoral program to provide a balanced curriculum offering coursework in the area of specialization, i.e., psychology or sport science, and in other relevant areas. In particular, formal coursework should include specific information and training in the areas in which the students wish to work. For example, a psychology student will receive training in a variety of areas such as personality and psychotherapy and coursework in specialty areas such as the treatment of substance abuse. Moreover, it would also be useful to study these topics relative to the particular issues related to athletes.

Furthermore, the curriculum should offer more diverse coursework in subjects that could assist them in fulfilling their primary function. For instance, it would be valuable for psychology students to take courses in exercise physiology and motor learning, which is a common part of the sport science students' curriculum. This knowledge would enable psychologists to better understand the particular needs of athletes and demands of the sport, thereby allowing them to design and implement more effective interventions. Similarly, sport science students should take relevant psychology courses such as personality, counseling, social psychology, group dynamics, human development, and psychometrics in order to provide them with a more global understanding of how athletes function as people. In addition, this coursework would enhance their work in their particular area of interest and assist them in recognizing when clients' difficulties are more serious and should be referred to someone with the appropriate training. In addition to the clear benefits of a solid educational foundation, this diverse background is important for certification by the Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology (AAASP, 1989) and might also make them more marketable. In particular, the certification process requires that psychology-trained professionals have coursework in the sport sciences and sport science-trained professionals must have coursework in psychology.

Research. Participation in research is another important aspect of the educational process. Conducting research provides an excellent means of developing an in-depth knowledge of a particular area of interest. In addition, it enables students to develop their critical and conceptual thinking which can aid them in their applied work. Specifically, it allows professionals to critically evaluate their own intervention strategies and assists them in weighing the value of newly-developed interventions that are proposed within and outside the field.

Conducting research also has broader implications for the field of applied sport psychology. In particular, considerable damage has been done to the field by practitioners who use untested and unproven techniques. This approach hurts the profession at several levels. First, it allows individuals with little knowledge to present themselves as sport psychologists. Second, using questionable methods increases the likelihood of limited benefits, thereby alienating those persons, such as coaches and athletes, who have a genuine interest in sport psychology. Finally, related to this issue, these individuals may lose faith in the contributions that sport psychology can make and conclude that it has little value.

Sound applied research can circumvent this scenario by producing evidence for effective strategies that the trained professional may utilize. As with any field, providing a good product that is beneficial will result in satisfied recipients who will want to use these services in the future. This outcome enhances the credibility of both the professional and the profession. As a consequence, engaging in applied research will advance not only the professional development of the individual, but also the field in general.

Typically, students will begin their research work under a mentor. Studying under a mentor is a significant learning experience in which the student is provided with guidance and a role model in the effective conceptualization and implementation of research. This process includes both the creative development of the research questions and the execution of the research involving design, methodology, and statistical analysis. In addition, it is also important that, during the latter part of their formal education, students begin to conceptualize and implement their own research interests, thereby further developing their conceptual and analytical skills.

It is also advised that, in addition to empirical study, aspiring professionals seek to contribute to the theoretical literature. It has been suggested that one of the most significant needs in sport psychology is more theoretical development (Landers, 1983). This deficit provides many avenues for individuals to study and allows them to make meaningful and original contributions to the field. This latter point can be especially valuable for career opportunities because it can provide the occasion for young professionals to investigate a previously-untapped area, thereby becoming identified with that area, e.g., concentration and Nideffer (1976) and competitive anxiety and Martens (1977).

Writing and Speaking. On a general level, one of the most significant way to establish professional identity is through writing and speaking. In addition, it is the most effective means of reaching a large and diverse audience.

This practice may be aimed at both professional, i.e., refereed journals and professional organizations, and popular audiences, i.e., magazines and newspapers and teams, clubs, and other sport, exercise, or health organizations. There are several benefits to this approach. At the professional level, it enables young professionals to reify their skills and build confidence in their knowledge and abilities. Furthermore, writing and speaking can contribute to the development of professional recognition. In addition, at the popular level, it allows for the establishment of a reputation within the sport, exercise, or health communities.

Though acceptance in refereed publications is an arduous process, it is an important part of professional development. As a result, it should be pursued with vigor and patience. Additionally, there are more numerous and less rigorous opportunities in the popular literature. Though it is difficult to gain access into major popular magazines, there are many periodicals that cater to specialized audiences, e.g., Coaching Women's Basketball and Coaching Volleyball, which welcome interesting and informative articles. It is these publications that aspiring professionals may use to enhance their writing skills and gain exposure.

This latter point, sound writing skills, is a prerequisite for publication. Quite simply, ideas are only as good as an individual's ability to communicate them. As a result, the development of these abilities is crucial to the aspiring professional. In addition, once the fundamental skills have been acquired, the next step is to cultivate a writing style that is appropriate for the particular audience. For example, a professional audience would require more formal terminology and structure, detail, and informational rigor. In contrast, a popular audience would want writing that is simple, succinct, practical, and entertaining or, as an editor of a major sports publication once suggested, articles should be "brief, bright, and brilliant" (A. McNab, personal communication, May 18, 1987).

As in writing, professional and popular audiences for public speaking have different needs and interests. Pertinent distinguishing factors include theoretical vs. practical information, terminology, attire, and interactive style. However, both audiences will want a speaker who is confident, knowledgeable, understandable, and entertaining. It is advised that aspiring professionals accept every opportunity to speak to different groups.

As with most types of skills, speaking is best learned through repetition with regular constructive feedback. This process may be facilitated with the use of audio or video recording of presentations or obtaining feedback from the audience. In addition, offering free talks provides individuals with the opportunity to gain practice and hone their oratory skills without the concern for performing up to the expectations of fees. In addition, it can assist them in building their vitae.

Applied Skills. During the course of the formal educational program, it is essential that students receive the opportunity to develop their applied skills. These skills are developed through coursework and experience in, for example, assessment of sport-related difficulties and the range of cognitive-behavioral strategies involved in mental training such as goal-setting, relaxation training, attentional training, and mental imagery. For the clinical psychology student, clinical practica in a variety of populations are an integral part of the training program. However, it is also important for these students to gain experience working directly with athletes in order to learn how to apply their general clinical skills in the sports setting. More importantly, since sport science students do not have the opportunity to develop general intervention skills similar to the clinical psychology students, it is critical that they receive extensive sport-specific supervision.

As a result, students pursuing graduate training in applied sport psychology, whether in sport science or psychology, should make every effort to receive formal coursework and practica in applied sport psychology. As mentioned above, the technique-oriented coursework provides a foundation of knowledge on which to employ the applied skills. Furthermore, the most significant benefit of applied practica is the guidance given by an experienced supervising sport psychologist. Supervised practica provide students with the opportunity to observe and emulate a skilled practitioner and to receive feedback relative to their developing competence.

Supplemental Experience

Increase Knowledge Base. Though the knowledge developed from coursework and other components of the formal educational program provides a sound foundation of understanding, further learning is essential for continued professional growth. Young professionals should actively seek out new information to supplement their current knowledge. As a result, developing sport psychologists should subscribe to the most relevant journals, e.g., Journal of Applied Sport Psychology, The Sport Psychologist, and Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, and seek out the latest books and articles that will enable them to further enhance their knowledge and skills.

Conferences. Another important step in the process of career development and opportunities is the regular attendance at professional conferences such as those of the American Psychological Association (APA), especially Division 47, Exercise and Sport Psychology programs, Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology (AAASP), and the North American Society for the Psychology of Sport and Physical Activity (NASPSPA), and other workshops and symposia.

There are a number of benefits to attending these professional meetings. First, frequenting conferences allows young professionals to learn from the leading researchers and practitioners in applied sport psychology. Second, they provide the opportunity to present research to other professionals, thereby allowing peer evaluation and feedback. Third, they permit in-depth discussion of shared interests that may lead to collaboration. Fourth, attending conferences shows to the leading sport psychologists a high level of motivation and commitment. Finally, attending conferences enables aspiring professionals to develop working relationships with established sport psychologists which may be beneficial in the future.

There are, of course, some significant obstacles to students and young professionals attending conferences and other professional gatherings. Foremost, conferences are expensive. In addition, they are time-consuming, often taking time away from school or work. However, it is believed that it is not only beneficial to surmount these barriers, but also a necessity for career growth. As a result, aspiring professionals should consider attending conferences as an investment in their careers and their futures.

Networking. Particularly in the early stages of a career, it is often difficult to find meaningful work opportunities. One way to partially circumvent this dilemma is through effective networking, which may lead to opportunities not previously available. However, it should be emphasized that there is no substitute for knowledge and skill.

Networking should begin early in a career and can be accomplished with letter writing and telephone calls to individuals who may benefit from the aspiring professional's knowledge and expertise. For the young sport psychologist, networking can be done through two avenues. Within sport psychology, it is useful to have the leading people in the field become familiar with them professionally and personally for the benefit of recommendations and referrals. As discussed above, attending conferences and collaborating on shared research interests provide excellent opportunities for this type of networking.

In addition, it is valuable for aspiring professionals to develop a network in a sport, exercise, or health setting in which they have an interest. Particularly in the latter case, prior athletic, exercise, or health experience may provide a natural extension of a previously-established network. Since many employment opportunities are due to referrals, networking can be an important component of career development.

Applied Experience. Once the basic skills of applied sport psychology have been acquired through coursework and supervised practica, it is necessary to further develop them. As with public speaking, a useful way to accomplish this goal is for young professionals to volunteer their services to local athletes and organizations.

In addition, though difficult to find, formal internships or other supervised training opportunities with an experienced sport psychologist can be an excellent means of gaining applied experience. One such opportunity that is presently available is research assistantships at the United States Olympic Training Center (USOTC) in Colorado Springs, Colorado. These positions last six to twelve months and provide the assistants with training in applied research and intervention under the supervision of the USOC resident sport psychologist at the USOTC. Interested students and professionals may write: Department of Sport Psychology, USOC, 1750 East Boulder, Colorado Springs, Colorado, 80909.

Sport, Exercise, or Health Involvement

Another useful component of developing a career in applied sport psychology is direct experience in sport, exercise, or health. For example, it is considered by some individuals in the field that it is advantageous for aspiring sport psychologists interested in performance enhancement to have elite-level athletic or coaching experience. However, this background is rare and, fortunately, appears to not be a necessity. In fact, the research conducted by Orlick and Partington (1987) and Partington and Orlick (1987) indicates that the most valued characteristics of sport psychologists include "being a good listener, being flexible and open...and having useful and relevant skills" (Partington & Orlick, 1987, p. 97).

Most sport psychologists would agree, however, that a strong understanding of sport, exercise, or health is valuable for effective professional intervention. This background can be best gained through direct participation in the sport or activity. In addition, experience can also be gained through apprenticeships and self-study.

There are a number of reasons why this understanding will improve the quality of service. First, this understanding will enhance the professional credibility of the sport psychologist. Second, it will increase the professional's empathy and sense of "what it is like" for the athletes or exercisers. Third, this knowledge will increase his or her ability to communicate with them in their own "language". Fourth, it will allow the sport psychologist to better appreciate the issues and problems faced by athletes or exercisers. Fifth, it will enable him or her to choose the most appropriate interventions. Finally, the sport psychologist will be more able to apply the techniques to the particular needs of the individuals and the demands of the sport or activity. In sum, developing this knowledge base will enhance the applied skills of the sport psychologist and make him or her more appealing to the sport, exercise, and health communities.

The level of involvement in a sport, exercise, or health setting that is necessary for providing quality service is a matter of debate. For example, is simply observing a team for part of a season sufficient or is having competed at the scholastic or collegiate level necessary? Clearly, it is difficult to specify what level is appropriate to provide adequate knowledge. Furthermore, the research conducted by Orlick and Partington offered no information relative to this issue. It may be that the best response to this question is that sufficient knowledge must be acquired to fulfill the six reasons for involvement listed above.

As a result, it is recommended that, if individuals have little athletic, exercise, or health experience, particularly in their area of interest, they should actively seek out knowledge about the sport through competition, coaching, apprenticeship, or self-study. Moreover, with respect to career opportunities, it would be advantageous to choose sport, exercise, or health settings that have had little exposure to sport psychology, thereby providing more opportunities for the sport psychologist to make a significant contribution.

Conclusion

With the growth of applied sport psychology during the past decade, the future appears bright for the field. At present, however, there are still questions about the most appropriate type of training that should be obtained. Furthermore, opportunities are limited and there is considerable competition for the openings that are available. As a result, young professionals must vigorously develop themselves and seek out these opportunities.

The present paper has proposed a three-phase model of formal education, supplemental experience, and sport, exercise, or health involvement in applied sport psychology. In sum, it is suggested that the sport psychologists who develop successful careers in the future will be those individuals who: (1) receive a broad-based education specific to their career interests; (2) have strong research, speaking, and writing skills; (3) possess extensive applied experience; (4) actively develop a network within sport psychology and the sport, exercise, or health setting of interest to them; (5) have a sound understanding of the sport or activity within which they work; and (6) are creative, sensitive, flexible, independent, and highly motivated.

References

Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology (1989). AAASP Certification Plan. Chapel Hill, NC: author.

Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology (Winter, 1990). AAASP Newsletter, 5, 2. (a)

Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology (1990). AAASP membership directory. Oxford, OH: author. (b)

Brown, J.M. (1982). Are sport psychologists really psychologist? Journal of Sport Psychology, 4, 13-18.

Dishman, R.K. (1983). Identity crises in North American sport Psychology: Academics in professional issues. Journal of Sport Psychology, 2, 123-134.

Heyman, S. (1984). The development of models for sport psychology: Examining the USOC guidelines. Journal of Sport Psychology, 6, 125-132.

Landers, D. M. (1983). Whatever happened to theory testing in sport psychology. Journal of Sport Psychology, 5, 135-151.

Mahoney, M.J. (Winter, 1987). Thoughts on academic preparation in sport psychology. AAASP Newsletter, 2, 6-7.

Martens, R. (1977). Sport Competition Anxiety Test. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics Publishers.

Nideffer, R. M. (1976). Test of attentional and interpersonal style. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 34, 394-404.

Nideffer, R., Feltz, D., & Salmela, J. (1982). A rebuttal to Danish and Hale: A committee report. Journal of Sport Psychology, 4, 3-6.

Orlick, T., & Partington, J. (1987). The sport psychology consultant: An analysis of critical components as viewed by Canadian Olympic athletes. The Sport Psychologist, 1, 4-17.

Pargman, D. (1988, September). Sport psychology training within a department of movement science and physical education. Paper presented at the meeting of the Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology, Nashua, NH.

Partington, J., & Orlick, T. (1987). The sport psychology consultant: Olympic coaches' views. The Sport Psychologist, 1, 95-102.

Sachs, M.L., & Burke, K.L. (1989). Directory of graduate programs in applied sport psychology. Philadelphia, PA: AAASP.

Singer, R.N. (Winter, 1987). Thoughts on academic preparation in sport psychology. AAASP Newsletter, 2, 8-9.

Smith, R. (1988, September). Sport psychology training within a clinical psychology program. Paper presented at the meeting of the Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology, Nashua, NH.

United States Olympic Committee (1983). U.S. Olympic Committee establishes guidelines for sport psychological services. Journal of Sport Psychology, 5, 2-4.

Williams, J.M. (1988, September). Sport psychology graduate preparation model: Major in psychology and minor in sport psychology through an exercise and sport sciences department. Paper presented at the meeting of the Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology, Nashua, NH.

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COACHES ARE PEOPLE TOO: AN APPLIED MODEL OF

STRESS MANAGEMENT FOR SPORT COACHES

Jim Taylor

Abstract

This paper examines the growing concern over stress among sports coaches. In particular, it provides an applied model of stress management in coaching which explores some of the significant causes of stress and outlines a five-step stress management program designed to address the special needs and concerns of coaches. The model is based on an integration of previous theoretical and empirical research both within and outside of sports. The first step, perceptions of coaching, assists coaches in understanding their perceptions, beliefs, and motivations for coaching. The second step, identification of primary stressors, involves clarifying to coaches their most significant sources of stress. The third step, identification of symptomatology, allows for the specification of the manner in which the stress is manifested in the individual coaches. The fourth step, development of coping skills, provides a structure within which coaches may cope effectively with stressors. Finally, the fifth step, building support systems, describes how a broad-based social support system may contribute to the effective management of stress.

Coaches are People Too: An Applied Model

of Stress Management for Sports Coaches

It is a commonly held belief that coaches are, in general, overworked and underpaid. They are often under a great deal of pressure to succeed and their positions can be tenuous. These issues can contribute to a wide variety of personal problems on the part of coaches. Traditionally, considerable attention has been paid to difficulties that are experienced by athletes at all levels of sports. However, little consideration is given to similar problems that coaches must face. Many people simply do not realize that "coaches are people too".

It is important for the mental, emotional, and physical health of coaches that individuals within the athletic community appreciate that coaches have doubts, worries, fears, and other problems. Moreover, these issues can lead to more serious difficulties that will affect the coaches as individuals and in their involvement with their athletes. There is, fortunately, a growing awareness of the mental health of coaches among both the laypeople (Borges, 1989a; Borges, 1989b; Borges, 1989c; Borges, 1989d) and professionals (Caccese & Mayerberg, 1984; Capel, Sisley, & Desertrain, 1987; Dale & Weinberg, 1989; Smith, 1986). This concern has emerged due to the media scrutiny surrounding several highly visible professional coaches who left their positions as a result of burn-out and the inappropriate behavior of other well-known coaches (Klein, 1985; Looney, 1985; Wolff, 1989). However, despite the growing interest, there has been little work done in the development of a practical model of stress management for coaches.

The causes of stress and how it can be managed effectively has been well-researched over the last two decades (for reviews, see McLeroy, Green, Mullen, & Foshee, 1984; Meichenbaum & Jaremko, 1983; Murphy, 1984). From this literature, various models of stress management have emerged (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; McInerney, 1984; Smith & Ascough, 1985). In addition, recently, stress management has begun to be applied specifically to the sports setting. In particular, Smith (1980) adapted his cognitive-affective model to athletes.

However, to date, there has been no work done to adapt these models to the particular, and sometimes unique, needs of coaches. In order to address this issue, the present paper proposes an applied model of stress management for coaches that incorporates some of the general knowledge offered by previous theorists while, at the same time, taking into consideration the specific needs of coaches and the particular demands of the coaching profession. Moreover, the model will address both the causes of stress for coaches and how the stress may be managed effectively. The present conceptualization also adds to previous considerations by incorporating a number of issues into the model. First, it provides a more detailed delineation of the individual coaches' own perception and beliefs about their work environment. Second, it identifies the stressors that are specifically related to coaching. Third, the model furnishes a detailed discusssion of specific stress management techniques for each important level of intervention. Fourth, it indicates how these strategies may be applied to the particular needs and demands of coaches. Finally, the model includes a social support component to complement the individual coaches' intrapersonal efforts at managing stress. The goal of the present model is to allow coaches to reduce the stress they derive from their work effectively. This reduction of stress will enable them to build a sound foundation for maintaining motivation, enhancing satisfaction and enjoyment, and, in general, to improve the quality of their professional and personal lives.

This model was developed out of the author's work as a sport psychologist at many levels of coaching including scholastic, junior-elite, collegiate, world-class, and professional. The implementation of this program by the author has produced supportive, though anecdotal, evidence. As a consequence, the present model was formulated in order to provide a framework from which to further investigate stress management in coaching. Before the model is presented, however, it is first necessary to provide a sound theoretical and empirical foundation and justification for the development of such a model. As a result, a brief review of relevant research will be offered.

How Stressful is Coaching?

In order to justify the need for the development of an applied model of stress management for coaches, it is necessary to demonstrate that coaching is, indeed, stressful. At present, though, there is a dearth of empirical literature in this area. Moreover, the research that has been conducted has produced equivocal findings. For example, Kroll and Gendersheim (1982), in a study of male scholastic coaches, found that coaching was considered by the majority of the sample to be stressful. Furthermore, Malone and Rotella (1981) assert that if coaches are not able to effectively cope with stress, they will be susceptible to burnout.

However, not all of the research has been supportive of this relationship. In a study of Canadian collegiate coaches, Wilson and Bird (1984) indicated that coaches exhibited less stress than individuals in other occupations. They also found, though, that certain environmental factors, i.e., longer hours, full-time status, and losing seasons, were related to higher levels of stress. Caccesse and Mayerberg (1984) reported similar findings in their study of college coaches. They further indicate, however, that female coaches and those with less experience evidenced the most amount of stress. Based on this limited evidence, it appears that coaching may not, in general, be significantly stressful. However, there seem to be a number of personal and environmental factors that, when present, will cause coaching to be stressful.

Unfortunately, there has been no empirical exploration of stress among elite-amateur or professional coaches. However, as discussed previously, there is considerable anecdotal and clinical evidence to at least warrant concern and further investigation (Klein, 1985; Looney, 1985; Wolff, 1989). Moreover, there is a significant amount of research in other related areas, such as in education and industrial/organizational psychology, that provides further justification for additional study.

In particular, evidence of significant stress was reported in research examining public agency employees (Ganster, Mayes, Sime, & Tharp, 1982) and secondary school teachers (Payne & Furnham, 1987). Similar findings emerged in studies investigating women from dual-earner families (King, Winett, & Lovett, 1986), business professionals (Bruning & Frew, 1987), and hospital employees (Jones, Barge, Steffy, Fay, Kunz, & Wuebker, 1988). Considering the limited amount of research available on coaching stress, the similarities of these populations to coaches, and the heterogeneity of the groups that were studied, it seems reasonable to generalize these findings to the coaching population and use them as justification to further explore stress in coaching.

Primary Sources of Stress for Coaches

In order to develop a model of effective stress management for coaches, it is first necessary to identify the significant sources of stress that are experienced by coaches at different levels of competition. Unfortunately, as with other areas of coaching stress, there is little research available to draw firm conclusions.

Most of the literature to date has examined the importance of role conflict and role ambiguity on stressful reactions by coaches. Kahn, Wolfe, Quinn, Snoek, and Rosenthal (1964) delineate role conflict by describing three types (each of which is meaningful for coaches). First, interrole conflict involves a person possessing several roles that require inconsistent behaviors. For instance, coaches might want to have a low-key, democratic relationship with their athletes and, at the same time, must, periodically, discipline them harshly. Second, intrarole conflict indicates that a person has a role from which different people expect opposing behaviors. Little League coaches may find that parents of some of the team members want to emphasize fun and mastery while others want to win. Third, person-role conflict suggests that a role demands behaviors that are incongruent with the individual's beliefs, values, or skills. A collegiate coach, for example, might feel pressured by the athletic director to use recruiting techniques to sign a talented athlete that are against his beliefs.

Outside of sport, there is considerable evidence to indicate that this factor is a significant precursor to stress and decreased performance (Cherniss, 1980; Kahn, 1978). Role conflict was found to be especially influential with persons who had to deal with people both within and outside of their primary organization. This finding has clear implications for coaches who must interact with people within, i.e., athletic directors and management, and outside, i.e., fans and media, of their team or club. Kahn (1978) further states that the most typical kinds of role conflict involve having too tasks and tasks that are too demanding.

Both of these types of role conflict are relevant for coaches. Specifically, coaches may be required to fulfill the roles of physical trainer, technician, fund-raiser, accountant, parent, administrator, and recruiter. In addition, coaches may not possess the necessary skills to successfully perform these responsibilities.

Role ambiguity develops when the individual lacks the information needed to effectively fulfill a role (Kahn et al., 1964). Research supporting this notion outside of sport has demonstrated that 24% of the variance for perceived burnout could be accounted for by role ambiguity and role conflict (Schwab, 1981). In addition, Capel (1986) found that role ambiguity was related to stress-induced burnout among a sample of athletic trainers. Though there has been no empirical study of this relationship among coaches, it is easy to see that role ambiguity may play a significant role for them as well. Specifically, as suggested by Capel, Sisley, and Desertrain (1987), the absence of direction and support from upper-level management, lack of clarity of job requirements, and unclear evaluation procedures may all produce stress for coaches.

Though these two factors provide a useful general categorization of sources of stress, they lack the specificity for consideration in an applied model of stress management. As a consequence, it will be useful to examine the specific sources of stress that have been reported in the literature both within and outside of sports.

It has been argued that winning is an intrinsic part of the Western socialization process (Snyder & Spreitzer, 1979) and that it is a pervasive aspect of all of American society's regulative social institutions (Loy, 1978). From this perspective, Santomier (1983) suggests that this high status places an implicit pressure on coaches which, in turn, results in stress. Additionally, Ingham (1975) concludes that this "performance principle" may place excessive demands on individuals in the sport setting.

Outside of the sports domain, a study by Ganster et al. (1982), utilizing a sample of public agency employees, indicated that their most common sources of stress included heavy workloads, inadequate resources, and the frequency of crises. Similar results were reported by Rapoport & Rapoport (1976) and St. John-Parsons (1978). In addition, research has demonstrated that the absence of time to pursue positive activities may also produce stress (Kanner, Kafry, & Pines, 1978; King, Winett, & Lovett, 1986). All of these factors have clear implications for coaches.

Additional research examining secondary school teachers indicated that difficulties related to instructional and student management demands were considered to be the most stressful aspects of their work (Payne & Furnham, 1987). Other studies involving teachers reported that the most commonly mentioned stressors included difficult students, absence of teaching resources, inadequate administrative staff and low staff relations, overload of non-teaching responsibilities, and insufficient time to fulfill responsiblities (Gorrell, Bregman, McAllister, & Lipscomb, 1985; Harris, Halpin, & Halpin, 1985; Pratt, 1978; Shaw, Keiper, & Flaherty, 1985). Also, consistent with findings involving coaches, gender and experience were related to the amount of stress that was reported (Kyriacou & Sutcliffe, 1978; Payne & Furnham, 1987; Staats & Staats, 1982).

Based on the literature just discussed, it is possible to classify three major areas of stress for coaches: Personal, social, and organizational. Personal stressors refer to factors intrinsic to the individual that create stress. Examples of personal stressors include lack of experience (Caccesse & Mayerberg, 1984), an inability to meet personal needs (Kanner et al., 1978; King et al., 1986), self-doubts (Meichenbaum, 1975), maintaining physical health (Bruning & Frew, 1987), and inadequate coaching skills (Kahn, 1978).

Social stressors involve difficulties that arise due to interactions with others (Capel et al., 1987; Kahn et al., 1964). Moreover, social stressors may originate within and outside of the team or club. Within the team, stressors may come from the athletes or the coaching staff. Though there is no literature within sports examining the contributions that athletes make to stress in coaching, analogous research in education indicates that students are a significant source of stress for teachers (Gorrell et al., 1985). Based on this findings, it seems reasonable to conclude that, in a similar manner, athletes may be causes of stress for coaches. For example, difficulties associated with athletes may include handling conflict between athletes, managing athlete egos, dealing with individual athlete problems, and satisfying athlete needs.

Other research outside the sports domain also indicates that poor staff relations may increase stress (Berkeley Planned Associates, 1977; Ivancevich, Matteson, Freedman, & Phillips, 1990). Unfortunately, there has been no research examining this issue in the sports setting. However, it may be expected that similar difficulties would be evident among coaching staffs. For example, stress caused by the coaching staff may include coach conflict, ineffective distribution of responsibilities, and poor decision-making by the coaches.

Outside of the team, interactions with fans, media, and parents may be sources of stress for coaches. In addition, a lack of support from all areas of the coaches' social network may contribute to experienced stress (Pilisuk & Parks, 1986).

Organizational stressors involve difficulties originating from within the team's organizational superstructure (Capel et al., 1987). Examples of organizational stressors include long hours (Wilson & Bird, 1984), lack of organizational support (Ganster et al., 1982), overload of responsibilities (Capel et al., 1987), administrative difficulties (Harris et al., 1985; Pratt, 1978), budgetary and other financial problems, time pressures (Payne & Furnham, 1987), and team performance concerns (Wilson & Bird, 1984).

Applied Model of Stress Management for Coaches

Based on the above review, there appears to be sufficient evidence to indicate that coaches do, in fact, experience stress and that it may be detrimental to their personal and professional lives. In order to address this issue, the applied model of stress management for coaches was developed. The purpose of this conceptualization is to elucidate the relevant stages in the process of stress identification and its intervention. The model has five distinct stages that addresses each of the major aspects of the stress management plan: (1) perceptions of coaching; (2) identification of primary stressors; (3) identification of symptomatology; (4) development of coping skills; and (5) social support.

Perceptions of Coaching

A consistent finding that emerges from the stress literature is that the perceptions of events rather than the events themselves produce stressful reactions (R.S. Lazarus, 1975a, 1975b). As a result, the first step in developing a stress management program for coaches is to assist coaches in articulating their own perceptions, beliefs, and motivations for coaching. Recent research has demonstrated the utility of individuals examining their personal and work values in reducing stress (Bruning & Frew, 1987). This initial task provides both the coach and the sport psychologist with a sense of the fundamental perceptions that are held by coaches about their involvement in coaching. This information can be valuable in developing an understanding of what personal, social, and environmental issues influence them and how their perceptions mediate the relationship between these factors and their stressful reactions to them (R.S. Lazarus, 1975a).

This information may be obtained through queries addressing several relevant areas. First, coaches may be asked to identify the reasons why they are coaching. Responses to this question should include issues related to personal values, quality of life, and financial expectations. Second, coaches can then be asked to indicate what they believe are the benefits and detriments of coaching for them. The coaches' answers should be comprehensive in their appraisal of all of the positive and negative aspects of coaching. Third, coaches can indicate what they want out of coaching, i.e., what are their goals in their career. Once again, their responses should encompass all aspects of their coaching experience. This information will assist the sport psychologist in determining the perceptions related to the coaches' work that may cause maladaptive reactions to stressful events.

Once their values have been clarified, it is then useful for the coaches to set personal goals (Locke, Shaw, Saari, & Latham, 1981). The purpose of these goals is to offer direction and motivation in their professional development. Also, they will provide a tangible basis for feelings of achievement and satisfaction in their work which, it is suggested, will moderate the effects of stressors on the coaches. In addition, these goals will enhance coaches' sense of control over their work, thereby further reducing potential stressful reactions (Tache & Selye, 1985). Empirical evidence reported by Bruning and Frew (1987) indicates that establishing strategic and tactical goals is an effective component of a cognitively-based stress management program.

These goals can be classified into three general categories: attitudes and behavior, skill development, and athlete and team performance. Attitude and behavior goals involve setting objectives for the attitudes and behaviors that coaches wish to exhibit in their interactions with athletes, coaches, and others such as parents and officials. For example, specific goals of this type might include providing more positive feedback to athletes or controlling anger toward referees.

Skill development goals comprise standards for the acquisition of the skills that are necessary for effective coaching such as increased visual rather than verbal description of technique or an enhanced understanding of the biomechanics of the sport. In addition, these types of goals may be used to aid in the development of skills associated with other roles that the coach must fulfill, e.g., administrative, financial (Kahn, 1978).

Lastly, perhaps the most visible measure of a coaches' ability and success is the performance of the team and individual athletes on the team. As a result, goals involving athlete and team performance can be set as a means of maintaining motivation. These performance goals may include an outstanding player being named to a national team or a particular statistical performance levels such as points per game.

The illumination of this information may occur in several ways. It may be acquired through unstructured individual interviews between the sport psychologist and the coach. This setting would provide a comfortable, nonthreatening opportunity for coaches to express their feelings and concerns about their work. These data may also be obtained through the development of structured questionnaires that are completed by the coaches in individual or group contexts.

Identification of Primary Stressors

In order to successfully minimize the negative effects of stress on coaches, it is first necessary to identify the primary stressors (Beech, Burns, & Sheffield, 1984) that are faced by coaches. As discussed earlier, these stressors may be grouped into three broad categories: Personal, social, and organizational. In addition, they may be major life events (Holmes & Rahe, 1967) or chronic daily stressors (Monroe, 1983). These stressors will vary as a function of the individual coaches' personality and coping repertoire (French & Caplan, 1972; Kahn et al., 1964), their previous experiences in coaching (Caccesse & Mayerberg, 1984), environmental factors (Wilson & Bird, 1984), their level of social support (Sarason & Sarason, 1985), and the current type and level of coaching (Caccesse & Mayerberg, 1984; Capel et al., 1987; Wilson & Bird, 1984).

Additionally, within any particular sport setting, there is usually a common set of difficulties that coaches must address regularly. For example, these frequent problems may include, at the professional level, such issues as contract hold-outs and cutting veteran players. In contrast, at the high school level, significant stressors may consist of academic difficulties or parental issues. A detailed identification of these areas will aid the coaches and the sport psychologist in specifying the unique demands of the particular setting, thereby enabling them to develop a comprehensive stress management program designed to address their particular needs (Meichenbaum & Jaremko, 1983).

To assist the sport psychologist in identifying significant stressors, there are a variety of assessment tools that may be used in this process. For assessing major life events, inventories currently available include the Life Experiences Survey (Sarason, Johnson, & Siegel, 1978) and the Social Readjustment Rating Scale (Holmes & Rahe, 1967), both of which have been adapted for athlete populations (Passer & Seese, 1983; Bramwell, Masuda, Wagner, & Holmes, 1975, respectively). In order to maximize their utility, these instruments could be further modified to account for the unique major life stressors of coaches.

For measuring daily stressors, other assessment tools are available. Both The Daily Hassles Scale (Kanner, Coyne, Schaefer, & Lazarus, 1981) and the Daily Analyses of Life Demands for Athletes (Rushall, 1987) have proven to be effective measures of chronic daily stressors. These scales could also be adapted to the particular needs of coaches. Finally, Smith (1980) suggests that self-monitoring can also be a valuable assessment strategy.

Identification of Stress Symptomatology

In addition to gaining an understanding of what events produce stress reactions in coaches, it is also important to identify the manner in which they exhibit these difficulties. Clarifying these processes will enhance the ability of sport psychologists to provide the appropriate interventions for the particular symptoms that are presented. The primary sources of stress discussed above may manifest themselves in a variety of ways. Specifically, Santomier (1983) indicates that stress may manifest itself in the form of cognitive, emotional/physiological, and behavioral difficulties.

Cognitive stress reactions include negative or depressive thinking and maladaptive attributions, (Davison & Valins, 1969; Meichenbaum, 1977). For example, coaches may lose confidence in their ability to lead their team or may internally attribute poor team performance. Instruments used to assess cognitive functioning include measures of self-efficacy (Bandura, 1977; King et al., 1986) and the Beck Depression Inventory (Beck, 1978).

Emotional/physiological stress responses may be comprised of, at the manifest level, anger, anxiety, depression, fatigue, or illness (Ganster et al., 1982) and, at physiological level, increased heart rate, blood pressure, and cardiac problems (Bruning & Frew, 1987; Cooper & Marshall, 1976). Coaches who lose their temper more than normal, experience excessive anxiety, are unusually tired or ill, or have high blood pressure or heart difficulties would illustrate this type of difficulty. Anxiety may be measured with the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory (Spielberger, 1970). Emotional and physiological symptoms of depression may be assessed with Symptoms Check List-90 (Derogatis, 1977) and the Beck Depression Inventory (Beck, 1978). Physiological measures of stress may be obtained for heart rate, blood pressure, and galvanic skin response (Burke, 1980; Fowler, 1970; Gifford, 1975; Kelleher, 1974). In addition, Ganster et al. (1982) developed a somatic complaint scale that measures the frequency of complaints such as headaches, dizziness, nausea, sweating palms, and flushed face. Also, though less practical, levels of catecholamines, which have been found to be related to stress, may be assessed (Frankenhaeuser, 1977; Ganster et al., 1982).

Behavioral difficulties may be seen in terms of tardiness, isolation, lack of assertiveness, and reduced efficiency (Bruning & Frew, 1987; Meichenbaum, 1975). For instance, coaches may be late for meetings and practices or may become less productive than usual. Though there are no inventories available to assess behavioral manifestations of stress, it would not be difficult to develop a brief coaching-specific checklist of some of the behavioral problems described above.

In addition to these symptom-specific measures of stress, several general inventories have been developed to assess a variety of perceived stressors among workers. The Health Factors Inventory (Jones, 1983; Jones & Fay, 1987) includes subscales evaluating perceived levels of job stress, organizational stress, personal stress, and job dissatisfaction. Additionally, The Stress/Mood/Productivity Inventory (Frederiksen, Solomon, McClaren, & Bosmajian, 1979) consists of physical-symptom, mood-related, and productivity items. Also, the Stressful Conditions Questionnaire (Steinmetz, Kaplan, & Miller, 1982) assesses the frequency with which people experience a variety of cognitive, social, and occupational stressors.

Development of Coping Skills

The ability of coaches to address stressors in a positive, constructive manner may influence significantly their coaching performance and their own physical and mental health. As a result of this importance, the development of effective coping skills is essential; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Meichenbaum, 1977).

There is considerable empirical support for the value of stress management programs for reducing stress in a variety of settings. In particular, stress management programs have been successfully implemented with students (Decker, 1987; Romano, 1984), teachers (Dougherty & Deck, 1984), women from dual-earner families (King et al., 1986), and government workers (Savery, 1986). Additionally, research has also demonstrated its efficacy in the business world (Bruning & Frew, 1987; Ganster, Mayes, Sime, & Tharp, 1982).

Monat and Lazarus (1977) offer two types of coping strategies that may be employed for the relief of stress: Palliative and instrumental. According to these authors, the purpose of palliative coping skills is to temporarily alleviate the emotional impact of the stressors. Moreover, palliative coping does not directly influence the stressor itself, but rather relieves the symptoms temporarily. Examples of palliative coping include relaxation training, cognitive restructuring, and exercise. They further suggest that this type of coping better prepares individuals for the implementation of instrumental coping.

Instrumental coping involves skills aimed at addressing the stressors directly. In other words, the stressors themselves are changed, thereby relieving the stress reaction at its source. Instrumental coping skills include time management, assertiveness training, and delegation of responsibilities (Monat & Lazarus, 1977).

The sport psychologist can be active in both assessment and intervention in this stage. In order to determine the most effective intervention to use, accurate evaluation of coaches' coping resources would be valuable. Self-report inventories that are presently available are the Vulnerability to Stress subscale of the Stress Audit Questionnaire (Miller & Smith, 1982), the Coping Resources Inventory (Hammer & Marting, 1987), and the Athletic Coping Skills Inventory (Smith, Smoll, & Schutz, 1988). By identifying coaches' coping strengths and weaknesses, sport psychologists may then develop appropriate strategies for areas of need.

There are several approaches to developing stress management programs to deal with these bases of stress. First, these domains may be addressed by adapting comprehensive stress management programs such as those offered by Holtzworth-Munroe, Munroe, and Smith (1985), Kirschenbaum (1984), Meichenbaum (1977), or Smith and Rohsenow (1989) to the coaching setting. Such an approach has value because it provides an organized framework in which to alleviate stress. However, as with other prescriptive methods, a significant drawback is that it provides interventions that may not be necessary and does not consider the particular needs of the individual or the demands of the situation.

Another potentially more efficient approach that may be employed would be to assess the particular stressors that are present and the nature of the stress reaction, then select specific techniques to remediate these areas. Furthermore, as suggested by Smith (1980), both individual and situational factors may influence the effectiveness of the stress management techniques. As a consequence, this approach enables the sport psychologist to design a stress management program that considers the particular needs of the individual and the specific demands of the situation. Specifically, this process makes it possible to match appropriate strategies to the particular stressor and type of reaction.

For cognitive stressors, at a fundamental level, coaches must change their perceptions of the events that occur in their work (Bandura, 1977; R.S. Lazarus, 1975b). In particular, coaches may use cognitive restructuring (A. Lazarus, 1972) and mental imagery (Smith, 1980) to re-orient their thinking in a more positive direction, self-instructional training (Meichenbaum, 1977) to improve attention and problem-solving, or goal-setting (Bruning & Frew, 1987). These techniques have been used successfully to reduce stress in a variety of populations and activities (Labouvie-Vief & Gonda, 1976; Meichenbaum & Cameron, 1973; Moleski & Tosi, 1976; Trexler & Karst, 1972).

Similarly, relevant techniques could be used for emotional/physiological stressors. Specifically, coaches could employ anger and anxiety exercises such as time-out (Browning, 1983), relaxation training (Bruning & Frew, 1987; Delman & Johnson, 1976; May, House, & Kovacs, 1982), and health (Savery, 1986), exercise (Bruning & Frew, 1987), and nutritional counseling (Stevens & Pfost, 1984) to alleviate these difficulties.

Finally, a regimen of behavior modification could deal with overt manifestations of stress. Techniques such as assertiveness training (Lange & Jakubowski, 1976), time management training (Bruning & Frew, 1987; King et al., 1986), and skills assessment and development (Bruning & Frew, 1987; Taylor, 1987a) could be effective in overcoming behavioral difficulties caused by stress. Furthermore, through active management of the team environment, e.g., team selection, practice group selection, and room assignments, coaches can create a setting that prevents many problems from arising (Kirschenbaum, 1984; Meichenbaum & Jaremko, 1983; Taylor, 1987b).

A useful strategy for both identifying common stressors and selecting the appropriate stress management techniques is the use of group brainstorming with the coaching staff (Osborn, 1957). This method has been found to be useful in producing new and innovative ideas for solving problems (Jablin, 1981; Schultz, 1989). In addition, brainstorming has been used effectively in a sport setting (Richman et al., 1989). As a consequence, this strategy allows coaches to determine the most salient stressors, share techniques they already use to combat stress, and generate new and more effective means of dealing with common problems. Sport psychologists may facilitate this process by teaching brainstorming skills to coaches and assisting them in its implementation (Jablin, 1981).

Social Support

A significant issue that is often considered in the stress management literature is the role that social support plays in the amelioration of stress (Cohen & Wills, 1985; Sarason & Sarason, 1986; Smith, 1985). Considerable research indicates that people who receive emotional or material support from others are healthier than those who receive little support (Broadhead et al., 1983; Caplan, 1974; Sarason & Sarason, 1985).

At present, there are two explanations for how social support ameliorates stress. First, the buffering hypothesis suggests that social support may act as a buffer against stress (Cohen & Wills, 1985). In particular, support helps in decreasing the effects of the stressful event on the individual, possibly by moderating the perceived meaning of the stressor. This approach posits that social support is primarily related to health for individuals under stress. Second, the main-effect view argues that social support is beneficial independent of whether persons are under stress (Cohen & Wills, 1985). Specifically, it is postulated that social support provides positive affect, the perception of stability and predictability in life, and a sense of self-worth (Depner, Wethington, & Korshavn, 1982; Norbeck, 1985). Though considering these differing perspectives is beyond the scope of the present work, it is possible to see how each could be meaningful within the context of coaching.

The professional literature offers many recommendations for the use of social support to reduce stress. For example, supervisors should provide empathy and feedback to employees when they are under stress (Villeco, 1977). Also, workers should meet together to discuss difficulties, either informally (Freudenberger, 1977) or in organized gatherings (Shannon & Saleeby, 1980).

There is, unfortunately, little empirical study of the effects of social support intervention in reducing the amount of stress experienced by individuals. One promising study by Sarason & Sarason (1986) demonstrated that experimentally enhanced social support increased performance and decreased cognitive interference on an intellectual task. Lindner, Sarason, and Sarason (1988) reported similar findings using a social problem-solving task. Additionally, in a medical field setting, results of a series of workshops aimed at increasing social support among physicians and nurses indicated marked improvement on a variety of psychological, social, and performance indices. However, the authors caution that the evaluations did not undergo rigorous statistical analysis (Bair & Greenspan, 1986). Finally, Richman, Hardy, Rosenfeld, and Callahan (1989), using a brainstorming activity with a group of sport psychologists to generate ways of enhancing social support for athletes, produced a lengthy list of recommended interventions that could easily be adapted for coaches.

In addition, research has indicated that social support may be characterized as either instrumental or expressive in nature. Instrumental support refers to material and physical assistance in addition to information and guidance. Expressive support indicates emotional sustenance and the sharing of feelings (Pilisuk & Parks, 1986).

Pines, Aronson, and Kafry (1981) further break down these categories into six types of social support: (1) listening: people who listen without judgment and who can share in the successes and failures; (2) emotional support: those who provide emotional support during stressful times; (3) emotional challenge: individuals who challenge the person to surmount hurdles and accomplish goals; (4) shared social reality: those with similar beliefs, values, and goals who can provide reality-testing of the situation; (5) technical appreciation: individuals who recognize the quality of performance; and (6) technical challenge: others who can challenge the person to strive higher and perform better. It is further argued that it is important to match the appropriate type of social support to that which is most needed (Cobb, 1976).

Assessment of social support is the first important step in this stage of the model. The Social Support Questionnaire (Sarason, Levine, Basham, & Sarason, 1983) has been demonstrated to be an effective measure of the number of people that are available to a person and how satisfied they are with the social support. Additionally, Pines et al. (1981) developed the Social Support Functions Questionnaire which assesses the six types of social support describe above. Subsequently, Rosenfeld, Richman, and Hardy (1989) adapted this scale to athletes in order to measure who furnishes social support, which of the six types of social support is offered, and how the recipient perceives the support that is provided. As with coping resources, understanding the exact nature of coaches' social support systems will enable the sport psychologist to assist coaches in enhancing the less developed parts of those systems.

Specific sources of social support for coaches may be considered in light of the issues just discussed. Specifically, coaches' primary sources of social support are: Upper-level management (instrumental; technical appreciation, technical challenge), coaching staff (instrumental and expressive; technical appreciation, technical challenge, shared reality, emotional support), the sport psychologist (instrumental and expressive; listening, emotional support), and family and friends (expressive; listening, emotional support, emotional challenge, shared reality). As a result, with the development of a broad-based social support system, coaches may enhance these sources of support, thereby further reducing the effects of stress (Bair & Greenspan, 1986; Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Sarason & Sarason, 1986).

One group of individuals that play a significant role in coaches' social environment that has not been discussed relative to social support is the athletes. As discussed previously, there is evidence to indicate that athletes may be a significant source of stress for coaches. However, there is no support within or outside the sports domain to suggest that they serve as a meaningful source of social support. For example, in the education field, there is no research to demonstrate that students offer social support to teachers. Similarly, nothing has emerged with respect to subordinate support of their supervisors in the business setting.

Though, at an intuitive and practical level, it seems likely that athletes do offer some social support to coaches, it is unclear as to the nature of that support or the situations in which is given. Furthermore, it is difficult to show which of the six types of social support posited by Pines et al. (1981) athletes would provide to coaches. It appears that these kinds of support may best be supplied by individuals of equal or greater status. Due to the absence of theoretical and empirical evidence demonstrating the contributions of athletes to the social support network of coaches, it is difficult to justify inclusion of athletes into this aspect of model.

Upper-level management. A significant source of stress and frustration for coaches is the lack of support they receive from upper-level management of a sports organization, i.e., financial, logistical, and administrative (Capel et al., 1987; Ganster et al., 1982; Harris et al., 1985). The inability to accomplish necessary tasks that are outside of the immediate responsibilities of the coach is detrimental to coaches on both a psychological and practical level. In other words, these dificulties will cause stress and limit their ability to fulfill their primary obligations. As a result, the sport psychologist can actively assist sports organizations to develop open lines of communication between coaches and upper-level staff. For example, the sport psychologist can meet with the coaches and management prior to the competitive season to discuss probable difficulties on which the coaches will need assistance from the management. A degree of commitment on these concerns can be solicited from the management, thereby making their cooperation when they arise more likely. This support allows coaches to accomplish their primary responsibilities unencumbered and to receive the necessary help when the need is present.

Coaching staff. A second critical area of both support must come from within the coaching staff itself (Harris et al., 1985; Pratt, 1978). A cohesive, mutually-supportive staff will be more efficient and will be able to address a greater variety of issues more effectively (Bair & Greenspan, 1986). A meaningful issue relative to this concern is in the selection of the staff. Consideration should be given not only to the individual abilities of the coaches, but also to how their strengths and weaknesses complement and support each other. For example, a well-balanced staff does not have to be composed of individuals possessing every necessary coaching skill. Rather, a carefully selected staff will be comprised of coaches who, in aggregate, possess all of the requisite skills necessary to fulfill their responsibilities. In addition, another critical component of a cohesive staff is the correct mixture of personalities to provide instrumental and expressive support. Though difficult to quantify, the development of this blend would involve identifying all of the areas of support required by coaches, assessing which coaching candidates could provide what types of support, and selecting a staff that fulfills each of those needs.

In addition, a useful method for building and maintaining support within a coaching staff is to schedule regular coaches' meetings with the express purpose of instrumental problem-solving, expressive support, and developing preventive and coping strategies (Richman et al., 1989; Shannon & Saleeby, 1980). This approach provides the opportunity for coaches to get to know each other on a personal level and will foster greater personal investment in the staff, thus enhancing motivation to provide support.

Sport psychologist. Despite efforts to maintain a supportive environment, conflicts may occur within the coaching staff, particularly during periods of high stress. In addition, other difficulties related to stressors both within and outside of the team may arise. In these situations, the role of sport psychologists in providing support can be significant. Sport psychologists may offer useful preventive and coping techniques to assist the coaches in adapting to difficult situations. In addition, they may provide unbiased, objective mediation of conflicts within or outside the team. Also, sport psychologists may allow coaches to communicate feelings in a safe and supportive setting that they would not feel comfortable discussing with other coaches.

Family and friends. Research outside of sports has demonstrated that social support from family and friends is significantly related to lower levels of stress and burnout (Davis-Sacks et al., 1985; Leavy, 1983; Mitchell, Billings, & Moos, 1982). Based on these findings, it seems reasonable to assume that family and friends are also a significant source of expressive support for coaches. Particularly for coaches who are required to travel extensively, time away from home can be lonely and stressful. In order to minimize these difficulties, teams can incorporate a program by which coaches have ready access to support from family and friends. For example, a team's budget may include funds for telephone calls to spouses and the provision for a spouse to accompany the team on one trip per year.

Conclusion

As described above, sport psychologists may play an active role in all phases of the development of stress management programs for coaches. Moreover, their expertise may ensure that the critical stressors are identified and the appropriate intervention strategies are implemented. However, to date, there is little systematic knowledge within the sports setting upon which to base the utilization of these strategies.

Despite its apparent importance, there has been relatively little theoretical or empirical investigation of the effects of stress on coaching and even less on the value of stress management techniques on coaches' responses to stress. However, this position may be changing. Due to the recent media attention given to coaches who have experienced difficulties, more researchers are beginning consider the effects of stress on coaches.

The purpose of developing the present model has been to initiate greater interest in this issue. Though there is considerable theoretical and empirical support for the foundation of the present conceptualization, there is now a need to investigate the particulars of the model. Such an exploration would involve empirical study of each stage of the model and its role in the alleviation of stress. It is hoped that this model will act as impetus for researchers to further study the importance of stress on coaches.

Case Studies

Case Study #1: U.S. National Team Coach

Early in the competitive season, one coach, Steve (not his real name), was planning on leaving the team to join a junior-development program the following year. Though Steve indicated that he enjoyed many aspects of his job, he felt burned out from the constant hassles of travel and the pressures of international coaching. In past years, he was physically exhausted half-way through the season and had difficulty staying motivated. At Steve's suggestion, the team psychologist formulated an assessment and intervention program to assist him in managing his stress.

In the assessment stage, the psychologist observed Steve during training and competition. It was his impression that he functioned very well; expressing his emotions appropriately, handling ambiguity effectively, and communicating well with the athletes and others. Steve's only noticeable source of frustration came in his interactions with the head coach and the team office. He expressed that he often could not get assistance for things that needed to get done, but which were outside his area of responsibilities. In addition, the psychologist saw that in the evenings, Steve tended to sit by himself and write letters to his wife and children.

The results of a coping skills instrument and a measure of social support that Steve completed indicated that he had sound coping resources. However, he perceived himself as being very undersupported, particularly in two areas. As expected, Steve felt undersupported from the upper-level management. In addition, he often felt lonely and isolated from his family. Based on this evaluation, the psychologist developed a program to enhance the relevant areas of social support. The head coach was supportive of this plan because Steve was well-liked and the head coach wanted him to stay with the national team.

First, the psychologist and Steve discussed with the head coach and the program director specific and tangible ways to facilitate the logistical assistance that he requested during the season. A reasonable timetable was created for the fulfillment of Steve's requests and these issues were written up and distributed to all involved parties. This strategy met Steve's instrumental needs.

Second, in order to reduce Steve's feelings of loneliness and isolation, the team arranged to have his wife travel to three competitions during the season. In addition, they agreed to cover the cost of additional telephone calls to his family. Thus, Steve's emotional needs were satisfied.

This intervention program proved to be successful. In contrast to previous seasons, Steve's physical energy level remained high and he stayed healthy throughout the season. His attitude also improved and the athletes perceived him as being more positive and supportive. Post-season assessment of coping skills and social support indicated improvement in both areas. Finally, based on the success of the team and his increased level of enjoyment in his work, Steve decided to remain with the team the following year.

Case Study #2: Junior-Development Coach

As a junior-development coach in a large program, Dan (not his real name), was having difficulties in his interactions with parents of the athletes with whom he worked. The parents were sometimes critical of his work with their children and demanding of his time, often when he was busy coaching. This disruption was frustrating for Dan and, as a result, he would become angry with the parents who, in turn, would complain to the head coach. Further investigation by the head coach indicated that this problem was quite common.

This situation caused significant concern for the head coach and the team as a whole. A sport psychologist who worked with the team was brought in to assist in the resolution of the problem. After obtaining feedback from Dan, the head coach, and some of the parents, a multi-level intervention program was implemented.

At an organizational level, the head coach called a meeting with parents in which an open dialogue was established to identify the needs of the parents and clarify the needs of the coaches. From this discussion, an agreement was reached on the appropriate manner, time, and place for parents to speak with the coaches.

At a staff level, brainstorming sessions were organized to identify typical parental concerns and behavior and to discuss effective responses to a variety of parents. In addition, role playing was used to allow coaches to practice appropriate interactions with parents.

Additional individual sessions were arranged with Dan with two goals in mind. One, to assist in his understanding of the causes of his anger and, two, to further develop coping skills and effective responses to the parents.

The intervention had a positive effect at several levels. First, Dan reported feeling more relaxed and in control when dealing with parents. He also felt less pressured and criticized. Second, the coaching staff as a whole indicated greater cooperation and support from the parents. Finally, the parents related that the coaches were more responsive to their concerns and were getting more feed

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A PSYCHOSOCIAL MODEL OF FAN VIOLENCE

Yaron Simon & Jim Taylor

Abstract

The present article examines the disturbing phenomenon of fan violence in sports. Though this issue has received considerable popular and media attention, there has been little effort on the part of psychologists to investigate fan violence in a systematic manner. In order to effectively address this concern, first, an historical perspective on its occurrence is provided. Second, a review of previous theories of crowd behavior and fan violence is offered. Third, the essential components of fan violence is defined. Finally, a psychosocial model of fan violence is presented as a means of providing a better understanding of the salient factors that contribute to the emergence of fan violence.

A Psychosocial Model of

Fan Violence in Sports

One of the most disturbing phenomena in sports is that of fan violence. Because of the suddenness, severity, and cost of recent occurrences, fan violence has generated significant concern within the sports community and received considerable attention from the media (Deming & Pringle, 1985; Neff, 1989; Reed, 1988). Questions that arise out of these inquiries include: What causes these overzealous reactions from the sports fans and why is fan violence so prevalent? Despite the seriousness of this issue, little attention has been given to fan violence by psychologists and sociologists with respect to potential causes and solutions. Lewis (1982) suggests three reasons for this lack of attention: An overall lack of interest in the sociology of sport, a general decrease in interest in crowd behavior, and the potential danger of investigating fan violence.

The present work will examine a variety of explanations for crowd behavior and fan violence, pull out critical elements from them, and attempt to integrate these issues into a model that considers sociocultural, social psychological, and situational factors in the development of a more comprehensive model of fan violence.

In order to effectively address the issue of fan violence, first, an historical perspective on its occurrence will be provided. Second, a review of previous social psychological theories of crowd behavior and fan violence will be offered. Third, a definition of fan violence will be given. Finally, a psychosocial model of fan violence will be presented as a means of answering the concerns raised above.

Historical Overview

Sport-related violence appears to be as old as sport itself. The first reported incident of fan violence took place during a chariot race in Constantinopol in 532 B.C. According to written accounts, rioting fans seized the stadium and intervention by Roman soldiers was required to regain control of the situation. By the time the riot was over, an estimated 30,000 people were dead (Cameron, 1976, cited in Guttmann, 1986). In addition, in 59 A.D., violence during gladiator fights in Pompeii was so bad that the Roman Senate banned the fights for ten years (Guttmann, 1986).

In contrast, despite the fact that Medieval times (500-1500 A.D.) are considered a violent period, evidence indicates that sport-related violence was rare. A suggested explanation for the lower level of violence was that sporting events were small and drew few spectators. This lack of interest was influenced by demographic factors, e.g., proliferation of small and isolated communities, as well as by the nature of the tournaments, e.g., spontaneously organized knight fights (Guttmann, 1986).

Since the middle of the 18th century, the number of cases of sport-related violence has been increasing. Most of these incidences were directly related to a specific sporting event and took place in or around the arena. However, in some instances, the sporting event was only a trigger that set off long-standing tension. For example, in 1910, black boxer Jack Johnson defeated white James Jeffries, which caused an outbreak of racial violence that spread throughout the United States, causing several deaths and many injuries (Guttmann, 1986).

The deadliest of all incidences of fan violence in the modern era took place on May 24, 1964. In a massive riot following a soccer match between Peru and Argentina, 318 people were killed and over 500 injured (Yeager, 1979). In addition, on May 25, 1985, 41 spectators were killed and over 400 injured during a soccer match in Brussels, Belgium. During that month alone, a total of 102 people were reported to have died in sport-related acts of violence (Cronin, 1985).

In addition to the costs in human life, fan violence also results in tremendous financial loss and political repercussions. To date, no estimate of the monetary cost has been reported. However, it is clear that enormous sums of money are spent annually on crowd control measures, damage repair, and compensation. Fan violence has also been implicated in several diplomatic incidences (Igbinovia, 1985) and, in one case, contributed to a war between El-Salvador and Honduras (It should be noted that tension was building for several months and, in all likelihood, the war would have occurred in any event) (Kapuscinski, 1986).

Theories of Crowd and Collective Behavior

Early theories. Gustav Le Bon, in his 1895 classic essay, "The Crowd", wrote:

"Whoever be the individuals that compose it, however like or unlike be their mode of life, their occupations, their character, or their intelligence, the fact that they have been transformed into a crowd puts them in possession of a sort of collective mind which makes them feel, think, and act in a manner quite different from that in which each individual of them would feel, think, and act were he in a state of isolation" (Le Bon, 1960, pp. 22-23).

Le Bon suggests that people in a crowd behave differently than they would otherwise and that the individual's mind becomes subordinate to the collective mind. Further, the "collective mind" is heavily influenced by the unconscious and is characterized by, "an impulsiveness, irritability, incapacity to reason, the absence of judgment and of critical spirit, the exaggeration of the sentiments, and others besides-which are almost always observed in belonging to inferior forms of evolution" (p. 36).

Freud (1922) accepted Le Bon's description of crowd behavior, but suggested that the essential ingredient for the development of such behavior is the presence of a leader. According to Freud, each member of the group is tied by libidinal forces to the leader. The tie is characterized by a conflict between love of the leader and frustration due to the leader's inability to love and attend to each member of the group. The resolution of this conflict is similar to that of the Oedipal complex, i.e., the person identifies with the leader. In doing so, the person replaces his own superego with that of the leader. As consequence, the person may behave in a childlike state of dependence on the leader. Without the supervision of the superego, the individual will behave according to id impulses, hence, in a violent and aggressive way.

The theories of Le Bon and Freud provided an initial starting point for the development of a conceptualization of crowd behavior. However, consistent with Freud's beliefs, these theories rely heavily on intrapsychic influences, which inhibit their ability to be operationalized and their practical value. In addition, though they explain the fundamental cause of crowd behavior, i.e., the emergence of baser unconscious motivations, they do not adequately delineate other contributing factors or the specific process that occurs in the development of crowd behavior.

Contagion theories. Contagion theories, an extension of Le Bon's conceptualization, attempted to explain how moods, attitudes, and behaviors are rapidly communicated and uncritically accepted by the crowd (Stein Greenblat, 1981). The fundamental mechanism operating in crowd behavior is circular reaction. According to this perspective, one aroused person affects another in the crowd producing heightened level of arousal. This response, in turn, re-stimulates the first person even more. Thus, the arousal level continues to build as a function of this circular reaction. However, the arousal has no specific focus or outlet. At this point, members of the crowd are in a highly suggestible state and, if cued by a leader to act in a certain way, e.g., violently, they will react impulsively and uncritically (Wheeler, 1966).

This theory adds another valuable component to the understanding of crowd behavior, in particular, the influence of mood and arousal on its development. However, it does not clearly indicate what initially stimulates the arousal or specifically how the circular reaction process of arousal occurs. Nor does the theory explain how a leader emerges and directs the highly aroused crowd.

Convergence theories. The composition of the crowd is the salient factor in convergence theories (McKee, 1969). Specifically, crowds are often composed of persons who share common values and interests. These theories suggest that crowd behavior stems from the convergence of like-minded persons who are already predisposed to behave in certain ways. Thus, this gathering of people serves to lessen inhibitions and stimulate the release of existing responses (Stein Greenblat, 1981).

As with the previous theories, these positions offer another useful addition to the knowledge on the dynamics of crowd behavior, in this case, the make-up of the crowd. However, these theories do not explain why and how inhibitions are lessened and what triggers the appearance of crowd behavior.

Emergent-Norm Theories. These theories assert that members of a crowd act in deviant ways because everyone around them is acting that way. The transformation into crowd behavior is explained by the development of new norms within the group. In ambiguous situations, innovators (leaders) suggest a course of action, typically through modeling. As others follow, the crowd defines the situation and generates new norms in terms of this course of action and develops justifications for the otherwise unacceptable behavior (Turner, 1964; Turner & Killian, 1987).

The notion of the emergence of new norms in a crowd is introduced here and adds further to our understanding of crowd behavior. However, this theory does not fully explain how the new norms develop or how they override more socially acceptable and enduring rules of behavior that predominate in the culture. In addition, it is not clear how a leader emerges from the crowd or how the leader gains the attention of the crowd in order to influence it.

Up to this point, it is suggested that the crowd behavior theories reviewed above provide valuable contributions to our understanding of crowd behavior and, more specifically, fan violence. However, they are not entirely adequate in accounting for fan violence on several grounds. First, they do not articulate the specific causes of the violence that occurs. Second, they alone do not satisfactorily explain the entire development of the phenomenon. Third, elements of the theories are difficult to operationalize and, as a result, make them less conducive to study.

Collective Behavior. Smelser's Theory of Collective Behavior (1963) presents the broadest approach to the understanding of collective behavior. According to his perspective, six factors determine whether collective behavior will arise (presented below). Furthermore, in order for collective behavior to result, a sequential chain of these factors must occur.

Structural conduciveness refers to the social conditions that make collective behavior possible, i.e., the ability of a group of people to communicate in such a way as to initiate the collective behavior. Structural strain results from conflicts between different parts of the social system. Growth and spread of a belief focuses on the cause of the structural strain and on a plan of action to correct the situation.

These processes are necessary but not sufficient for collective behavior. A precipitating event, often spontaneous, must occur that serves to trigger the collective action. Mobilization of participants typically requires a leader who organizes and mobilizes people into action. Finally, mechanisms of social control provide resistance against the emergence of collective behavior.

Though Smelser's theory raises some issues that are useful in understanding fan violence, there are several factors that limit its explanatory power. First, from his perspective, the development of collective behavior is slow and takes place over a long period of time. Second, collective behavior is viewed as an organized effort to mobilize people to reach a desired goal rather than due to a momentary emotional outburst. Third, the manner in which people collectively behave is justified by the goal and, as a result, does not require the defense of the behavior. In short, collective behavior, as described by Smelser, is a slowly developed, well-organized, goal-directed, and justifiable course of action. In contrast, it is presently argued that fan violence is spontaneous, unorganized, undirected, and unjustifiable. As a consequence, though Smelser's theory is a significant step in the systematic understanding of crowd behavior, it does not fully explain all of the relevant features that contribute to the development of fan violence.

In summarizing the literature on collective behavior, Milgram and Toch (1969) found that crowds are characterized by three features. First, they demonstrate uniform behavior. Second, the crowd engages in behaviors in which each participant individually would not engage. Third, members of the crowd are in a state of heightened emotionality which causes them to react in extreme ways. These notions, which pull together essential elements of the theories discussed thus far, can be used in the application of collective behavior explanations to fan violence.

Eitzen's Theory of Fan Violence

Eitzen (1979), one of the few researchers to address the issue of fan violence directly, defined three types of fan violence: rowdyism, exuberant celebration, and sport riots. Rowdyism refers to interpersonal and property vandalism associated with a sports event. Furthermore, rowdyism will occur regardless of what takes place in the competition. Rather, the sports event only serves as an outlet for longstanding hostility and frustration. Exuberant celebrations occur when fans celebrate victory by destroying property such as tearing down the goalposts after a victory in football. Sport riots refer to hostile and aggressive acts which are triggered by the events on the field. Eitzen ties this latter form of fan violence to existing social strains between fans due to economic, religious, ethnic, or political reasons. A second factor contributing to sport riots, according to Eitzen, is the unavailability of alternative means of relieving the social strains.

Proposed Definition of Fan Violence

The Random House Dictionary of the English Language (1987) defines fan as: "An enthusiastic devotee, follower or admirer of a sport, pastime, celebrity, etc. Short for fanatic" (p. 821). Moreover, it defines fanatic as: "A

person in an extreme and uncritical enthusiasm or zeal in religion or politics" (p. 821). Synonyms for fanatic include fiery, narrow-minded, and violent (Roget, 1977). Fanatic further implies "unbalanced or obsessive behavior...vigorous and aggressive support for or opposition to a plan or ideal, and suggests a combative stance (p. 821). Based on these definitions and focusing on aspects of fan violence that Eitzen (1979) characterizes as sport riots, fan violence is presently characterized as: "purposive destructive or injurious behavior by partisan spectators of a sporting event that may be caused by personal, social, economic, or competitive factors".

Psychosocial Model of Fan Violence

Based on the above assumptions and drawing on issues from previous theories of crowd behavior, the following psychosocial model of fan violence is offered.

Potentiating Factors

Though this model emphasizes the more immediate and specific social psychological and environmental causes of fan violence, a comprehensive explanation of fan violence would be incomplete without some discussion of the larger social factors that predispose individuals to violent behavior in a sport setting.

Socioeconomic conditions. The current socioeconomic conditions of the country where the competition is being contested may contribute to the outbreak of fan violence. Stein Greenblat (1981) suggests that heightened arousal facilitates fan violence. From this perspective, it is likely that economic pressures will initially raise fan arousal which will then intensify further due to the competitive setting, thus increasing the likelihood of that arousal being focused and released in the form of violence. Politics and geography. Political and geographical differences of fans can add to the polarization that naturally develops in partisan crowds. As with socioeconomic pressures, these differences may escalate arousal, thereby increasing the probability of violence becoming an outlet. Smelser's notion of structural strain may be viewed as a part of this issue.

Media influences. The media can be a significant contributor to the general climate surrounding the competition. Television, radio, newspaper, and other media reports that emphasize the adversarial aspects of the opposition and further incite strong negative feelings toward them can prime fans to react violently once the setting-specific factors that foster violence are present.

Community norms. The accepted norms of the community will also contribute to the priming effect. As the convergence theories suggest (McKee, 1979), people who share values that violence is permissible are more likely to rally around these common beliefs and manifest them overtly. In contrast, if there are strong social mores against violence, what Smelser (1963) terms `mechanisms of social control', then these social forces within a community will act to inhibit people from behaving violently.

Critical Factors

Identification. People appear to have a need to identify with an individual or group (Taijfel, 1981; Taijfel & Turner, 1979; Turner, 1975). It has been argued that it is a significant means by which people maintain and enhance their self-esteem (Oakes & Turner, 1980; Turner, 1975). On a global level, this need to identify is a cornerstone of society. Religion, community, family, and nation are some of the more common sources of identification found in society.

Sport is another powerful source of identification (Brown, 1986). Specifically, people appear to readily identify with an individual athlete or team, particularly in the absence of a strong self-identity. The identification process is influenced by a variety of factors including personal issues, geographic, demographic, and economic concerns, style of play, and whether they are winning or losing. In this manner, people can become heavily invested in the outcomes of competitions involving their figure of identification. If this investment is excessive, losing an event may be perceived as a threat to their own self-identity and could potentially be acted out in a destructive way (Brown, 1986).

Group solidarity. The significant identification just described results in a strong sense of group solidarity. This factor has two significant components. First, a feeling of togetherness, belonging, and support will be evident (Milgram & Toch, 1969). This feeling of being a part of a group may be reached in several ways. The foremost contributor to this belief is mutual cause. This conviction is enhanced by wearing similar clothes, meeting in the same bars, sharing rides to and from games, etc. In addition, this feeling of solidarity may become stronger when a threat to the group or group ideals exists (Lott & Lott, 1965), i.e., an opposing team. Furthermore, the sense of togetherness will grow in direct proportion with the emotional investment.

Second, intergroup hostility must be present. This phenomenon was demonstrated by Sherif, Harvey, White, Hood, and Sherif (1961) in their classic children's summer-camp experiment and was also found with adults (Blake & Mouton, 1961). For the present purposes, the most important implication of this research is that groups tend to amplify their differences, with each group assuming a superior position, thus resulting in a highly polarized and emotionally charged attitude of "us vs. them". In addition, as this polarization develops, groups will then compare themselves to their outgroup and determine how fairly they have been treated (Festinger, 1954). This kind of polarization and social comparison can be seen among fans before, during, and after an important competition and is manifested in bravado, posturing, and hostile verbal exchanges.

Deindividuation. Having developed a strong perception of group solidarity, fans may then be more susceptible to the next stage of the psychosocial model, i.e., a sense of deindividuation and anonymity. This impression leads to the abandonment of personal responsibility and a weakening of personal and social restraints that normally guard against socially unacceptable behavior (Milgram & Toch, 1969). Freedman, Carlsmith, and Sears (1970) explain this process in their analysis of collective behavior:

"Individuals lose their personal sense of responsibility when they are in a group. Instead of feeling as they usually do, that they personally are morally accountable for their actions, group members somehow share the responsibility with one another, and none of them feel it as strongly as he would if he were alone; the more anonymous the group members are the less they feel they have an identity of their own, and the more irresponsibly they may behave" (p. 170).

Related to sports, in a stadium of many thousands of people, this sense of deindividuation increases the probability of aggressive behavior. Not only does it, from their perspective, absolve them of responsibility, but it also reduces the likelihood of them being caught and held accountable for their actions.

Dehumanization of the opposition. As discussed above, the previous three factors produce a strong polarization and significant hostility between groups. It appears that these conditions encourage the emergence of the next stage of the model, i.e., the dehumanization of the opposition. Dehumanization refers to the process by which fans view the opposition as less than human and, as a result, are not subject to the normal constraints of moral behavior toward humans. This process is typically expressed and enhanced through name calling, insults, songs, and chants such as:

"In their Nottingham slums,

In their Nottingham slums.

They look in the dustbin for something to eat,

They find a dead cat and they think it's a treat

In their Nottingham slums."

(Yeager, 1979, p. 25)

"Spurs are on their way to Auschwitz.

Hitler's gonna gas'em again.

You can't stop'em,

The Yids from Tottenham,

The Yids from White Hart Lane."

(Guttmann, 1986, p. 161)

The dehumanization process is an important part of the establishment of new norms that rationalize the violent behavior and excuse the participants from responsibility Turner & Killian, 1987). As mentioned above, by proliferating the belief that the opposition is not human, fans can engage in behavior that is, from their perspective, moral and just.

Moreover, considered within Smelser's (1964) framework, the `structural strain' between opposing fans produces a heightened level of arousal which needs an outlet. In turn, the fans must alter their norms of appropriate social behavior in order to circumvent the `mechanisms of social control' which, under normal conditions, would inhibit violent behavior. One significant means of producing this change in norms is to dehumanize the opposition. Viewed from this perspective, dehumanization of the opposition may be characterized as a part of the norm shift that has been discussed by several of the previous theorists (Smelser, 1964; Turner, 1963; Turner & Killian, 1987).

Leadership. In the early stages of this psychosocial model, fan violence is considered only a potentiality. In other words, up to this point, fans may be characterized as an emotionally charged, cohesive, though undirected group. However, with the emergence of a leader, this potentiality may become a reality (Wheeler, 1966). As a result, it is presently proposed that the appearance of a leader is the most critical factor in whether fan violence will occur. Early theorists in crowd behavior have stressed the important role that leaders play in the development of crowd behavior. For example, Freud (1922) suggested that individuals in a group setting experience feelings toward the leader akin those of the Oedipal Complex. In addition, proponents of the emergent-norm theories (Turner, 1964; Turner & Killian, 1987), would argue that, up to this point in the psychosocial model, the crowd is not only unfocused, but the situation is ambiguous. Then, as Turner (1964) suggests, the leader proposes a specific course of action, the crowd defines the situation based on that path, and generates a new set of norms to justify their new direction.

Furthermore, it appears that the leaders do not emerge from the crowd serendipitously. Rather, particular individuals attend sporting events with the expressed purpose of acting out their aggressive tendencies (Harrison, 1974). In other words, these leaders typically engage most persistently in violence and view violence as an integral part of the game. Harrison (1974) provides a striking example of this type of antagonist:

"I go to a match for one reason only: the aggro [aggression]. It's an obsession, I can't give it up. I get so much pleasure when I am having aggro that I nearly wet my pants...I go all over the country looking for it...every night during the week we go around town looking for trouble. Before a match we go around looking respectable...then if we see someone who looks like the enemy we ask him the time; if he answers in a foreign accent, we do him over" (p. 604).

This view is consistent with what Smelser (1963) terms, `mobilization of participants'. This link in his sequential chain involves a leader who rises within a group of fans to initiate and incite violent behavior. In other words, the emerging leader provides direction and outlet for this highly-aroused group. As such, the appearance of a leader is the final step in the development of fan violence.

On-Field Contributing Factors

In addition to these necessary and sufficient causes of fan violence, there are also several factors that occur in competitive arena that, when present, increase the likelihood of fan violence.

Type of Sport. The nature of the sport that is being observed may have an impact on the amount of fan violence that is manifested. In fact, research has demonstrated that sports that involve aggressiveness and physical contact, such as football and ice hockey (Arms, Russel, & Sandilands, 1979), are more likely to produce fan violence than those where these elements are not present.

The type of sport may impact the occurrence of fan violence in several ways. First, sports with considerable physical contact may produce a higher level of emotional arousal among fans, thereby necessitating a release of the accumulation of tension. This notion is consistent with contagion theories' concept of circular reaction (Stein Greenblat, 1983) in which an initial level of arousal in passed to others which, in turn, increases the arousal level of the originator.

In addition, the presence of aggressiveness in the competitive arena may strengthen the belief held by fans that violence is socially acceptable and appropriate in the present setting, thus making it permissible for the fans to engage in similar behavior. This notion is what Smelser (1979) terms, `growth and spread of belief', in which a strong belief develops in a group of people that initiates a course of action, in this case, violent behavior.

Lastly, the type of sport will influence the kind of models that the fans are presented with. Clearly, sports with considerable physical contact will model aggressive behavior. This issue is discussed in greater detail below.

Modeling. Considerable research conducted by Bandura and his colleagues (Bandura, 1973; Bandura, 1979; Bandura, Ross, & Ross, 1963) has demonstrated that observing modeled aggressive behavior will increase the likelihood of aggression on the part of the observers. In the sports domain, modeling may enhance fan violence is several ways.

Since fans are strongly identified with their team's players, they will act as powerful models for the fans. This process can result in modeling of the on-field behavior that, though not necessarily aggressive in intent, may be construed as such, thereby resulting in fan violence. Moreover, in contrast with many types of spontaneous violence such as political riots, most ardent sports fans have a history of modeled sports aggressiveness dating back to their childhoods. It is this experience that may further to facilitate the emergence of violent behavior.

An important reason why this type of modeling may occur is that only overt behaviors are able to be perceived clearly by fans. In other words, fans can only see the observable acts, but not the intention or meaning of the act or the implicit context of the actions. However, there is significant information that is not conveyed along with the aggressive behavior. For example, aggressive actions in competition are limited by specific rules and norms. In other words, most sports have implicit and explicit guidelines that indicate to players the frequency and severity of aggressive behavior that is allowed. Additionally, aggressive behavior is only appropriate on the field of play during competition, not in the stands between fans or after the game between players. Also, violent behavior is constrained by rules of "appropriate aggressiveness". Players know how aggressive they can be and the consequences of excessive aggressiveness.

Unfortunately, these delimiters are not recognized by fans. If this information was available to the fans, then the likelihood of the fans modeling this behavior might decrease. Instead, the lack of recognition of these norms results in potentially modeled violence.

Score Configuration. The score of the competition is a factor that may exacerbate the existing conditions. The score may influence arousal (Stein Greenblat, 1981), cause a change in the threat to fans' self-esteem, polarize opposing groups of fans (Dollard, Doob, Miller, Mowrer, & Sears, 1939), rally fans around a new norm or belief (McKee, 1969), and lessen inhibitions controlling socially appropriate behavior (Stein Greenblat, 1981).

Specifically, fans of losing teams may experience increased arousal, feel threatened through their excessive identification with their team, direct their arousal in the form of hostility toward fans of the opposing team, and develop the belief that it is permissible to be aggressive because their team is losing. These conditions would then increase the likelihood of violence occurring if other factors are also present.

Competitive Events. The events occurring on the field during the course of the game could prompt many of the changes just described. In particular, a dramatic play on the part of the opposition, a ruling against the identified team, or ill-perceived behavior by an opposing team's player could precipitate the affective, cognitive, and behavioral changes that might lead to violent behavior. Particularly provocative are events that could be characterized as perceived injustices on the part of the fans. These events might include a questionable ruling by an umpire, the team coming close, but not succeeding in a crucial situation, and falling just short of a comeback.

Off-Field Contributing Factors

Alcohol. Alcohol serves to lessen inhibitions, thereby contributing to the reduction of personal and social restraints on all of the causal factors and, in turn, violent behavior. The results of several studies investigating whether alcohol produces aggressive behavior indicates that alcohol alone does not seem sufficient to instigate aggression. However, when combined with hostility, alcohol appears to increase the likelihood of its emergence (Taylor & Gammons, 1975; Taylor, Gammons, & Capasso, 1976). Moreover, recent research suggests that frustration is an important determinant of aggression while under the influence of alcohol (Gustafson, 1984; Gustafson, 1985).

In addition, alcohol has been implicated as a direct cause of fan violence. The best known of these incidents is the so-called "Beer Riot" during a 1974 Major League baseball game (Lewis, 1982). As a result of this occurrence and others like it around the world, alcohol consumption has been limited or banned in many sports arenas. For example, in Scotland, alcohol was banned at all soccer matches and drunkenness was made illegal at sporting events. Since the act was introduced in 1980, the number of offenders has dropped significantly (Coalter, 1985). However, it should be pointed out that a decrease in the number of violent incidences was not found.

Density. It is presently suggested that density may also be a significant contributor to fan violence. To date, empirical evidence for a relationship between density and aggression has been equivocal. For example, some research has found that density is related to arousal and aggression (Hutt & Vaizy, 1966; Griffitt & Veitch, 1971). In contrast, other research reported no evidence for such an effect (Sundstrom, 1978). However, several recent incidences of fan violence have implicated stadium overcrowding as a significant cause of the violence (Trecker, 1985). As a result, the influence of density on fan violence is worth further examination.

Frustration. The relationship between frustration and aggression has been investigated extensively (Berkowitz, 1988; Dollard, Doob, Miller, Mowrer, & Sears, 1939; Gustafson, 1986) and it has been concluded that frustration in pursuit of a goal is a significant cause of aggression. In a sports setting, there is considerable opportunity for frustration on the part of fans. Specifically, the primary goal of sports fans is winning. When their identified teams are losing, an occurrence over which they have no control, frustration may build and the fans may seek an appropriate cathartic. This process may then result in aggressive behavior.

Modeling. In addition to the modeling by fans of players in the competitive arena, fans may also model the aggressive behavior of leaders that emerge from the crowd (Wheeler, 1966) and initial acts of violence from other fans in proximity to them. As the emergent-norm theorists suggest (Turner, 1964; Turner & Killian, 1987), through modeling, a leader suggests a course of action which then produces a consistent change in norms which makes the violent behavior justifiable. Furthermore, the probability of modeling leaders and other fans may be accentuated due to the factors discussed above including excessive identification, alcohol consumption, arousal, and frustration, all of which contribute to a decrease in inhibition and an increase in spontaneous, uncontrolled behavior.

Causal Sequence of Psychosocial Model

Though there is, to date, inadequate data to make firm statements about the causal sequence of the factors that lead to fan violence, the present model is constructed with an implicit order of causation. Specifically, the potentiating factors create a setting vulnerable to the development of fan violence. However, these factors alone will not be sufficient to elicit the violence. Subsequently, the emergence of the critical factors sequentially increase the likelihood of the occurrence of fan violence. In addition, the on-field and off-field contributing factors encourage the advent of violence. All of these factors are considered to be necessary, but not sufficient, to produce fan violence. Finally, as discussed above, it is suggested that the appearance of a leader is both necessary and sufficient for the development of fan violence.

Conclusion

The present conceptualization has attempted to provide a new perspective on the sociocultural, social psychological, and situational causes of fan violence in sports. The psychosocial model that has been presented suggests that fan violence is the result of a series of intrapersonal, environmental, and social conditions that, given the appropriate cues and direction at the competition, predisposes fans to act in a violent manner. By understanding the interrelationships of these factors, it may be possible to assess the presence of these factors at upcoming sporting events and, consequently, the likelihood of fan violence developing. If, by identifying these factors, potential violence can be predicted, then proactive steps may be taken in accordance with the presenting factors, e.g., banning alcohol, increased security between opposing groups of fans, thereby preventing the possible fan violence from being realized.

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THE SPORT-CLINICAL INTAKE PROTOCOL:

A COMPREHENSIVE INTERVIEWING INSTRUMENT FOR SPORT

Jim Taylor & Barry A. Schneider

Abstract

With the growth of applied sport psychology in recent years, attention has been focused on the particular needs of athletes and the specific demands of the sport setting. This growing concern has resulted in the development of a variety of strategies in the treatment of athletes. However, a difficulty that has arisen involves obtaining adequate information about the athlete/client in order to develop the most effective intervention. In response to this need, the Sport-Clinical Intake Protocol (SCIP), a comprehensive interviewing instrument for the athletic population, has been developed. The SCIP provides extensive information about the athlete/client with respect to: (a) presenting problem, (b) life and athletic history, (c) social support, (d) health status, (e) important life events, (f) changes prior to onset of the presenting problem, and (g) details of presenting problem. The value of the SCIP lies in its ability to provide detailed information about the athlete/client, thereby enabling the professional to make an effective conceptualization and develop an appropriate treatment plan.

Sport-Clinical Intake Protocol:

A Comprehensive Interviewing Instrument

for Applied Sport Psychology

The interview is the most important tool used by the clinical psychologist to gain knowledge of the client and the nature of the presenting problem (Bernstein & Nietzel, 1980). Obtaining a mental status and eliciting a life history depend upon a perceptively guided interview (Cormier & Cormier, 1991). In addition, the professional's judgments regarding diagnosis and prognosis are also based largely on interview data. Finally, the knowledge gleaned from these data should lead to formulation of treatment objectives and strategies that are relevant and appropriate (Bernstein & Nietzel, 1980).

Recent trends in clinical interviewing indicate that, with the development of many specialty areas in psychology, professionals will need to focus on the issues most relevant to the particular problems or needs of target populations. This notion is reflected in interviews that have been developed for the evaluation of specific psychopathologies, for example, affective disorders (Flaherty & Gaviria, 1989), substance abuse (Craig, 1989), eating disorders (Marshall, 1989), personality disorders (Widiger & Frances, 1987), child and adolescent abuse (White, Strom, Santilli, & Halpin, 1986), and attentional deficit disorders (Phelan, 1989). Interviews have also been developed that focus on particular clinical issues such as forensics (Blau, 1984) and suicide potential (Yufit, 1989). In sum, there is an increasing realization that specific data are important for understanding particular problems.

The above examples illustrate how assessment, diagnosis, and treatment are global functions that may be enhanced by modifying the interview to meet the special demands of the population, problem, and/or issues under consideration. This rationale is evident in the current effort to present a protocol for an intake interview specially designed for examining problems specific to sport psychology and the athletic population.

Interviewing in Sport

The field of applied sport psychology has developed along two distinct avenues over the past 20 years. Initially, sport psychology was found within the domain of physical education and related fields. More recently, it has emerged within psychology and other mental health settings. The dichotomy between these two domains has brought with it discussion and debate at both the educational and professional levels (Gardner, 1991; Silva, 1989; Taylor, 1991). Two common arguments that are made in applied sport psychology are that clinical psychologists do not have sufficient training in sports and physical education-trained practitioners lack adequate knowledge and experience in the broader psychological aspects of the athlete/clients (see Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology, 1989; Taylor, 1991; United States Olympic Committee, 1983 for a review of relevant education, training, qualification, and practice issues).

This differentiation has ramifications for the interviewing process in applied sport psychology. With the growth of the field in recent years, attention has been focused on the particular needs of athletes and the specific demands of the sport setting. However, a difficulty that has accompanied this development involves obtaining adequate information about the athlete/client in order to develop the most effective treatment plan (Taylor, 1988).

Conducting an interview in a sports setting raises a critical issue that must be addressed in order to determine the most appropriate course of action. Notably, the presenting problem itself is usually presented as sport-specific. However, the question remains as to whether it is the real problem or a symptom of another issue. The diagnostic position that is taken at this point will determine whether the presenting problem is conceptualized as a performance enhancement or clinical concern. This information will, in turn, determine the appropriate means of intervention.

This issue is especially meaningful because athletes may present with a wide variety of difficulties ranging from sports-specific deficits to serious pathology. More specifically, athletes' problems may include non-clinical issues such as loss of self-confidence (Weinberg & Jackson, 1990), concentration (Nideffer, 1981), or motivation (Weinberg, 1984) in their sports competition and clinically diagnosable difficulties such as depression (May, Veach, Reed, & Griffey, (1985), substance abuse (Tricker, Cook, & McGuire, 1989) and eating disorders (Thompson, 1987).

In the sports setting, the professional must evaluate whether the client would be most effectively conceptualized within a performance enhancement (Silva, 1989) or clinical paradigm (Gardner, 1991). A mistake that can be made by physical education trained professionals in the conceptualization process is to view the presenting problem as an independent entity isolated within the sports domain. Similarly, a misjudgment that may be made by the clinically trained professional is to conclude the presence of generalized pathology when none may exist. Either determination may lead professionals to employ techniques that are inappropriate or ineffective. These decisions about the conceptualization will also determine whether the problem is within the purview of the professional's expertise or should be referred to another professional with the appropriate training. This practice should hold true for any problem outside of the practitioner's area of expertise.

In response to the need for more specialized information-gathering in the development of a conceptualization and treatment plan, the Sport-Clinical Intake Protocol (SCIP), a comprehensive interviewing instrument for the athletic population, has been developed. The SCIP is a specially designed semi-structured interview for use in the sports setting. The purpose of the SCIP is to gain useful information from athlete/clients with specific consideration given to their unique concerns.

Sport-Clinical Intake Protocol

Drawing on previous interviewing approaches such as the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-III-R (SCID) (Spitzer, Williams, Gibbon, & First, 1990), the Structured Clinical Interview (SCI) (Schneider, Schneider, Hardesty, & Burdock, 1978), and the assessment tools aimed at particular problems or populations that were reviewed above, the SCIP has several objectives: (a) acquire both sport-specific and clinical information, (b) incorporate the sport-specific and clinical avenues of inquiry into an organized framework that is non-threatening to the client, (c) provide information that will enable the professional to determine the true nature of the problem, thereby allowing for the decision to treat or refer the client, and (d) to give the professional sufficient understanding of the client in order to develop an initial treatment direction.

The SCIP, consistent with the traditional psychiatric interview, focuses on gathering data and accumulating "facts" leading to a diagnosis. In addition, it was designed to separate history from current mental functioning and helps the professional with treatment issues and is particularly concerned with the intervention. In this vein, the SCIP is consistent with recent changes in the practice of clinical psychology and psychiatry.

The SCIP, when employed as a structured interview, may be completed in 60-90 minutes. It should be noted, however, that, while the SCIP is presented in a structured format, it need not be administered this way. Indeed, the SCIP may be utilized in a manner that is consistent with the therapeutic orientation and interactive style of the professional. For example, a therapist with a non-directive orientation might elicit responses to the SCIP queries when the topics arise during the client's discourse by reflecting the content and/or feelings of the client (Rogers, 1980).

The SCIP is divided into eight sections, each of which is designed to access specific kinds of information (see Appendix). In order to provide perspective and a foundation for the use of the SCIP, it will be useful to describe its eight components, their rationale, and show how this interviewing instrument reflects both current and historical influences on the role of the interview in clinical psychology. Additionally, in order to clearly illustrate the value of the SCIP for professionals regardless of their education and training, two actual case studies, a professional baseball player and a world-class water skier will be presented within the context of the breakdown of the SCIP (see Tables 1-8). As a means of highlighting the specific value of the particular component of the SCIP, relevant contributions of the SCIP to the conceptualizations of the athletes in the case studies will be presented with each section.

Breakdown of SCIP Concerns

Presenting problem. As with any intake interview, an introductory description of the presenting problem is useful. It is recommended that only a cursory characterization of the problem be elicited initially. The SCIP is designed to obtain background information and details later in the interview when such data are deemed more helpful in understanding the nature of the problem. In addition, premature probing into the problem, without the development of rapport and trust, could be too threatening for athlete/clients and interfere with their willingness to delve into reasons for seeking assistance. Therefore, emphasis in this part of the interview is on a summary account of the problem (see Table 1).

Table 1

Illustrations of "Presenting Problem"
____________________________________________________________

Professional baseball player. This athlete presented to a clinical psychologist with limited sports experience complaining of a prolonged hitting slump. The athlete, a .312 hitter before the slump, indicated that he had been in the slump for three weeks, during which time he had hit .125 and not gotten more than one hit in the previous 16 games. Because of the slump, the player had lost self-confidence in his hitting, became very anxious prior to and during his at-bats, and had trouble concentrating on the game. He indicated that he had no idea what caused the slump.
____________________________________________________________

World-class water skier. This athlete met with a physical education-trained professional because she had skied poorly in the recent National and World Championships and had lost her motivation to train and her desire to compete. These feelings had persisted for the six weeks since the Worlds up to the present. Her lack of motivation had hurt both the quality and quantity of her training and she had avoided two competitions during this period. The water skier indicated that she had no confidence, little energy to put into training, and was always thinking about other things.
____________________________________________________________

Athletic history. This section of the SCIP helps build rapport and allows athletes to feel more at ease by discussing familiar and often gratifying issues. It also provides valuable information on their general attitude and state-of-mind by observing the nature of their recollections. For example, if most of their memories are unpleasant, it might indicate low situational self-confidence, low self-esteem, or even clinical depression.

In addition, the athletic history enables professionals to begin to understand clients' social network and the role it plays in their lives. It also allows for the examination of clients' goals in terms of how realistic they are, recent changes, and how they might relate to the presenting problem. Finally, the athlete's competitive background might provide the professional with evidence of a historical foundation for the current problem (see Table 2).

Table 2

Illustrations of "Athletic History"
____________________________________________________________

Professional baseball player. The athlete responded well to questions about his athletic background. He became more relaxed and expressed himself more. His responses to these questions indicated that he had been successful through every level of his career, but periodically went into hitting slumps. In fact, the lowest point in his career involved a hitting slump that temporarily kept him from being promoted up to the baseball organization's Class AA ball club. Also, his life-long goal had been to play in the Major Leagues. Recently, upon his promotion to the Majors, he had established a new goal of being a starting player.
____________________________________________________________

World-class water skier. The athlete indicated that she had been slow to develop as a water skier. It was only in the last five years that she emerged as a world-class competitor. During that period, she expressed that her career was marked by tremendous fluctuation in the quality of her competitive performances. The athlete stated that she has had three previous experiences like the current one and retired briefly two years ago.
____________________________________________________________

Family and social support. This portion of the SCIP enables professionals to gain more extensive information about clients' family background, the family's role in the athlete's athletic life, and current social support network relative to the presenting problem. This portion of the SCIP is consistent with family systems approaches which suggest that the problems of the athlete may be considered within the context of the family (Manuchin, 1974). These data also provide insight into the manner that the family may contribute to the client's current difficulties. These questions are particularly relevant for young athletes whose parents are often significant causal agents or contributors to the presenting difficulties (Hellstedt, 1987; McPherson, 1978). This information may also be used to indicate the degree to which the problem generalizes outside of the sports setting. Finally, responses to these questions can indicate the extent of the social support resources available to clients to help them to cope with the difficulties (Sarason & Sarason, 1986; Smith, 1985; see Table 3).

Table 3

Illustrations of "Family and Social Support"
____________________________________________________________

Professional baseball player. The athlete indicated that he came from an intact family and that his parents and siblings gave him a lot of support during his career. His family had no history of psychiatric illness. He also indicated that his parents were not serious athletes and were always available to help him when asked. The player said that he had two close friends on the team and also had several childhood buddies with whom he remained close. He got along well with his coaches and felt like he got a lot of support from different people in his life.
____________________________________________________________

World-class water skier. The athlete indicated that she came from a broken home in which she had no contact with her father for over ten years. Also, her mother had been institutionalized several times, but she did not know why. She became involved in water skiing through a close childhood friend and her parents were never involved, showing neither support nor resistance for her participation. The athlete said that she was close to her older sister. She had recently moved to a new town in order to obtain better training, but because she traveled so much, she had made no friends there. Additionally, her boyfriend of two years had abruptly ended their relationship recently and she felt alone.
____________________________________________________________

Health. Examining the overall health of clients can be most useful to professionals for isolating physical manifestations of the difficulties, the amount of stress that may be experienced, and identifying potential physiologically related causes of the problems. Pertinent areas tapped by these questions include fatigue, lingering illness, injuries, changes in sleep and eating patterns, and alcohol or drug use. Of particular interest is how these facets of the athlete's health influence his or her training and competitive performances. This section also enables initial exploration of clients' thinking processes through dream content and pre-sleep thinking. In addition, information about injuries may indicate accident proneness and conscious or unconscious attempts to avoid sports participation (see Table 4).

Table 4

Illustrations of "Health"
____________________________________________________________

Professional baseball player. The athlete's responses to the SCIP questions addressing health indicated that he was injury-free, was sleeping pretty well, and continued to eat normally. He did not take drugs and only had an occasional beer. Also, a recent physical examination showed that he was in excellent health.
____________________________________________________________

World-class water skier. The athlete stated that she was not hurt at present, but had a history of minor though nagging injuries. She also indicated that she had not been sleeping well; taking a long time to get to sleep, waking up in the middle of the night, and waking up tired in the morning. In addition, she had not been eating much lately and had lost almost ten pounds. She did not drink or take drugs, but wished there was a pill she could take to make her feel better.
____________________________________________________________

Important life events. This section asks clients to describe significant past events from their athletic and general lives. This part of the SCIP serves several functions. First, it provides further information about clients' recollections and current attitude, i.e., is the client focusing on negative events? Second, these data may make it possible to find a connection between a particular life event and the onset of the current problem, thus leading to a more clear diagnosis and treatment plan (see Table 5).

Table 5

Illustrations of "Important Life Events"
____________________________________________________________

Professional baseball player. The athlete indicated that most of the important things that happened in his life were related to baseball. The two events that stuck out in his mind were the day he was drafted in the second round of the baseball draft and the day he signed his professional contract and receiving a bonus check for $250,000. He did not recall any really bad things ever happening to him.
____________________________________________________________

World-class water skier. The athlete's most significant memory was the first time her mother was institutionalized when she was eight year old. She remembers feeling scared, angry, and helpless. She also describes losing the World title when she was favored to win as very painful.
____________________________________________________________

Changes prior to onset of presenting problem. This line of inquiry is the first step into a more detailed examination of the presenting problem. In particular, it involves exploring major areas in clients' lives where change would be evident. Similar to the section above, this investigation would enable professionals to identify significant precipitating events to the presenting problem. This search would encompass changes in a number of significant areas. The initial focus is on the athlete's sports environment. First, physical factors associated directly with the client's sport participation such as quality and quantity of training, physical conditioning, and practice habits. Second, mental elements including self-confidence, anxiety, pre-competitive mental preparation, and competitive thoughts and feelings. Third, changes in the competitive setting such as a new level of competition and the stage of the season. Fourth, changes in equipment including the use of new equipment or the deterioration of old equipment.

Changes in social and environmental factors are also investigated. Issues such as relationships involving family, friends, coaches, and teammates are relevant. Continuing from the section examining family and social support issues, these questions identify changes in these factors (Bowen, 1978; Schwartz, 1982). Additionally, the emergence of new training and competitive settings are worth examining.

Finally, alterations in cognition, affect, and behavior should be identified. Specifically, indicating the nature of the athlete's current thoughts, for example, negative or ruminating, emotions, for example, anger or sadness, and actions, for example, routines or habits, relative to previous levels may produce meaningful evidence for the professional (see Table 6).

Table 6

Illustrations of "Changes Prior to Onset"
____________________________________________________________

Professional baseball player. The most significant change that emerged from the athlete's responses to the SCIP questions was that he had, just prior to start of the slump, been promoted to a starting role due to a temporary injury to the regular starter. Additionally, this promotion occurred just as the team was making its run at the division title. He had noticed that he was putting more pressure to hit on himself. There were no other meaningful changes in his life.
____________________________________________________________

World-class water skier. The athlete recalled no changes in her athletic life prior to the loss of motivation. However, she indicated that the move to the new town and the break-up of her relationship seemed important. Also, adapting to the new training site and coach had been stressful.
____________________________________________________________

Details of presenting problem. It is at this stage of the SCIP that professionals explore in-depth clients' perceptions of the presenting problem. In this process, it is often useful for clients to describe a typical situation where the problem occurs rather than to describe it abstractly.

This section focuses on identifying the particular environmental, personal, and social factors that are present when the presenting problem occurs. In addition, the personal and social consequences of presenting problem are examined. This depiction not only provides "objective" information about the circumstances surrounding the problem, but also can yield information about its meaning to clients (Reik, 1952; Menninger, 1958).

Finally, this stage of the SCIP provided a greater exploration of the issue by specifying the particular setting in which it occurs, its frequency of occurrence previously, the presence of a pattern of occurrence, and a specification of the factors that are evident when it does vs. does not occur (see Table 7).

Table 7

Illustrations of "Details of Presenting Problem"

____________________________________________________________

Professional baseball player. The athlete expressed that the biggest problems he now had, aside from hitting the ball, were his doubts in his hitting ability, his anxiety, and how easily distracted he was while hitting. By identifying the most typical situations in which he felt these difficulties, he was able to see that they were most troublesome in important games and when games were on the line. The player rarely had confidence, anxiety, or hitting problems during batting practice. He also thought that his teammates were angry with him though he could not identify any specific examples
____________________________________________________________

World-class water skier. The athlete felt most unmotivated when she was home alone. If she was traveling with fellow competitors, she could get motivated enough to train. She indicated that she ruminated a lot about her lack of desire and had feelings of sadness and helplessness, and cried several times a week. Also, she would sometimes spend all day in bed. Though she had occasional bouts like this before, it had gotten more regular since her move.
____________________________________________________________

Benefits of the SCIP

As demonstrated by the case studies, the SCIP provides the clinician, who has formal training in interviewing techniques, but little experience working in sports, with a framework within which specific information about critical aspects of the athlete's sporting life may be obtained and compared with other facets of the athlete's life. Issues such as the competitive development of the athlete, the current level of competition, and the role of the family in the athlete's sports participation are essential data that are gained. Additionally, more specific information relative to the athlete's current level of sport functioning including changes in practice habits, competitive routines, technique, performance level, and teammates and coaches are acquired. It is suggested that clinicians without specific knowledge about sports might not obtain this relevant information and, as a result, might incorrectly conceptualize and treat the client within a clinical framework (see Table 8).

Conversely, for professionals trained in physical education and related fields, the SCIP provides a framework for obtaining information both within and outside of the sports domain. For this practitioner, information about the athlete/clients' overall functioning in the areas of social systems, health, and development may be obtained. Though not formally trained in interviewing or diagnosis, this data collected from the SCIP interview would provide these professionals with a gross, but clear indication of whether the presenting problem is sport-specific, thus within their purview, or more global, thereby best referred to an appropriate professional (see Table 8).

Table 8

Illustrations of Benefits of SCIP
____________________________________________________________

Professional baseball player. Based on this information obtained from the SCIP, the clinical psychologist was able to develop a clear understanding of the athlete's current athletic, personal, and social functioning. Consideration of these data indicated that the difficulties he was experiencing were isolated to his sports performance and he was functioning in a normal and healthy fashion outside of the sports domain. Since the athlete's problems were clearly sport-specific, and given his limited knowledge of and experience with athletes, the clinician referred the athlete to his physical education trained colleague.
____________________________________________________________

World-class water skier. By using the SCIP, the professional obtained a comprehensive view of the athlete's sports and general life. Though not capable of making a clinical diagnosis, the information gained from the SCIP indicated to him that the athlete had significant problems outside of the sports setting. As a result, he referred the athlete to a clinical psychologist with whom he had a reciprocal relationship.
____________________________________________________________

The effectiveness of the SCIP, as with any interviewing instrument, depends on how it is administered, the information gleaned from the interview, and how the data are evaluated and interpreted. Fundamental to this issue is the notion that professionals from both psychology and physical education must possess the ability to make an assessment regarding the nature of the presenting problem, whether sport-specific or clinical. The strength of the SCIP lies in its ability to assist the professional in this process. The SCIP was specifically designed to bridge the gap of knowledge that might exist for professionals trained in either setting, thereby enabling them to acquire the necessary information in order to make sound decisions relative to the presenting problem and the appropriate course of action. Regardless of the education, training, and experience of the professional, by gaining extensive sport-related and general knowledge about athlete\clients, professionals will be able to identify the primary difficulties and determine the most appropriate course of action for treatment.

It is important to emphasize that, regardless of whether the professional comes from a clinical or performance enhancement perspective, there are general skills that they must possess in order to be effective interviewers. Specifically, the professional, his or her particular training notwithstanding, must have sound communication skills and the ability to develop trust and establish rapport (Evans, Hearn, Uhlemann, & Ivey, 1989). Without these basic skills, the SCIP (or any other assessment or intervention tool, for that matter) would be of little value.

Conclusion

The process of working with athletes may be viewed as the professional and client acting together as detectives. The goal of this process is to uncover relevant clues that lead to understanding and resolution of the presenting problem. In keeping with the fundamental role of the clinical interview in psychology, it is believed that the Sport-Clinical Intake Protocol may provide many clues for the investigation.

In sum, the SCIP may be a useful first step in a comprehensive intervention program. The goal of the SCIP, used in this initial probing, is to assist the professional in developing an understanding of the athlete and aid in constructing an effective treatment for sports-related problems.

Appendix

Sport-Clinical Intake Protocol
________________________________________________________

Cursory Description of Presenting Problem

A. Describe presenting problem.
1. what is it?
2. how often does it occur?
3. when did it begin?
4. how long has it lasted?
5. where does it occur?
6. what do you think is causing it?
________________________________________________________

Description of Athletic History

B. Describe athletic development.
1. how did you get involved in your sport?
2. how did you get to the level you are at now?
3. what were some of the high points of your career?
4. what were some of the low points of your career?
5. who have been the most significant people in your sports participation?
6. what role did these people play in your development?
7. what were your goals when you began your sport?
8. what are your present goals?
________________________________________________________

Family and Social Support

C. Family.
1. parents: married or divorced, ages, quality of their relationship, educational background, current occupations, your relationship with them.
2. siblings: same questions as above.
3. your educational background.
4. previous psychiatric history of client and family (experience with and perceptions of
psychology).
5. family involvement in sports participation.
a. parents' previous athletic experience.
b. parents' current participation in sports.
c. parents' involvement in your sports participation.
d. siblings' participation in sports.

D. Support system.
1. number and quality of friendships within sport.
2. number and quality of friendships outside of sport.
3. what is your relationship with your coach?
4. what is your relationship with your teammates?
5. what are other sources of support you have?
6. how satisfied are you with the support you receive from your family, friends, coaches,
teammates, and others?
___________________________________________________________

Health Status

E. Health status.
1. How is your health presently?
2. Injuries.
a. what injuries have you had in the past and when?
b. do you have any injuries at present?
c. if present, how do these injuries affect your training and competitive performances?
3. Sleep.
a. how are you sleeping lately?
b. are you tired often?
c. has your sleeping changes recently?
d. do you have difficulties getting to sleep?
e. prior to falling asleep, what thoughts are going through your mind?
f. are you waking up during the night?
g. if so, what thoughts are going through your mind?
h. have you been having any dreams lately?
i. what was in your dreams?
j. if sleep difficulties are present, how do they affect your training and competitive performances?
4. Eating.
a. describe your eating habits.
b. have you had any recent changes in your body weight?
c. how has your appetite been?
d. have your eating habits changed?
e. has your eating influenced your training and competitive performances?
5. Alcohol and drug use.
a. do you drink alcohol?
b. how much and how often?
c. do you take drugs of any kind?
d. what kind and how often?
e. if alcohol and/or drug use are present, how have they influenced your training and competitive
performances?
6. When was your most recent physical examination?
a. were there any physical problems?
________________________________________________________

Important Life Events

F. Important life events.
1. what do you recall as the most important events in your athletic career, e.g., events that influenced you a great deal?
2. what do you recall as the most important events in your general life?
3. has anything important happened to you recently in your athletic life?
4. has anything important happened to you recently in your general life?
________________________________________________________

Changes Prior to Onset of Presenting Problem

G. Athletic.
1. physical.
a. quality and quantity of training.
b. technique.
c. physical conditioning.
d. health: injury, illness, fatigue.
2. mental.
a. self-confidence.
b. anxiety.
c. concentration.
d. motivation.
e. pre-competitive mental preparation.
f. pre-competitive and competitive thoughts and feelings.
3. competitive.
a. competitive level, e.g., regional, national.
b. stage of competitive season.
c. current performance level, e.g., winning record, competitive statistics.
4. equipment.
a. new equipment.
b. deterioration of old equipment.

H. Social/environmental.
1. changes in relationships: family, friends, school, work?
2. teammates or coaches.
3. new relationships?
4. training and competitive sites.

I. Changes in cognition-affect-behavior.
1. changes in cognition: negative, obsessional?
2. changes in affect: sadness, anger, joy?
3. changes in behavior: routines, habits?
________________________________________________________

Details of Presenting Problem

J. Detailed description.
1. indicate typical situation: what was going on at the time?
a. competitive setting.
b. competitive scenario.

K. Personal influences.
1. describe thoughts.
2. describe feelings.
3. describe behavior.

L. Social influences.
1. what other people were around you?
2. what were they doing?

M. Consequences.
1. what happened after the problem occurred?
2. how did significant others react?
3. what kinds of thoughts and feelings did you have?
4. your attributions of problem.

N. Greater exploration.
1. has this happened in the past: when and why?
2. when does it occur: practice, particular competitions?
3. is there a consistent pattern of occurrence?
4. what sorts of things are going on when the problem is worst?
5. what sorts of things are going on when the problem gets better?
6. what do you think is causing it?
7. what do you think you can do to get over it?
8. what do you want to accomplish by being here?
________________________________________________________

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THE USE OF HYPNOSIS IN APPLIED SPORT PSYCHOLOGY

Jim Taylor, Richard Horevitz, & Gloria Balague

Abstract

The present paper examines the value of hypnosis in applied sport psychology. The following issues will be addressed: (a) what is hypnosis?; (b) theoretical perspectives on hypnosis; (d) hypnotizability; (e) factors influencing the effectiveness of hypnotic interventions; (f) misconceptions and concerns about hypnosis; (f) the hypnosis process; (g) research on hypnosis and athletic performance; (h) uses in applied sport psychology; and (i) training in hypnosis. These issues will be considered with respect to the particular needs of athletes and the specific demands of sport.

The Use of Hypnosis

in Applied Sport Psychology

The use of hypnosis in the treatment of a wide variety of maladies has a rich history dating back thousands of years to the Romans (Wolfe & Rosenthal, 1948), the Egyptians (Bernheim, 1947), and other primitive cultures (Cheek & Le Cron, 1968). In the 1700's, Anton Mesmer became famous for his "cathartic method" for curing mental disease (Nichols & Zax, 1977). A century later, Jean Martin Charcot conducted the first scientific experiments involving hypnosis (Nigro & Vidic, 1986). Hypnosis has also been an intervention strategy since the birth of modern psychology over 100 years ago. For example, Breuer and Freud used hypnosis to access repressed memories in their patients. Moreover, there is an established research tradition dating back half a century.

Along with this rich tradition, hypnosis also has a history of controversy. This debate over hypnosis has evolved to due to several concerns. First, there remains a lack of clear understanding of precisely how hypnosis works. Second, this controversy has been exacerbated by a schism between the clinical use and experimental investigation of hypnosis. Finally, as will be discussed later, the research on hypnosis that has emerged over the past fifty years has been equivocal in its endorsement of hypnosis. As a consequence, the topic of hypnosis in general, and applied to the sports domain in particular, should be approached critically and with caution.

Current Status of Hypnosis

Hypnosis is currently used extensively in many therapeutic realms including the treatment of anxiety, phobias, obesity, behavioral medicine, pain control, and smoking cessation, as well as with more severe psychopathology and post-traumatic conditions (Baker, 1987; Braun & Horevitz, 1986; Brown & Fromm, 1987; Collison, 1980; Craisilneck, 1990; Frankl, 1987; Horevitz, 1992; Horowitz, 1970; Kuttner, (1989); Spiegel, 1989; Wain, 1980).

Hypnosis is also being employed as a means of enhancing physical, motor, and athletic performance (for a review, see Jacobs & Gotthelf, 1986). The purported benefits in this domain include increased strength, improved motor coordination, and enhanced performance in a variety of sports and physical skills. However, experimental research in this area has produced mixed results (Barber, 1971; Barber & Calverley, 1964; Jackson, Gass, & Camp, 1979; Jacobs & Salzberg, 1987; Naruse, 1965; Pratt & Korn, 1986). A significant problem with much of this research is its lack of methodological rigor. As a result, any conclusions drawn from these findings must be considered with extreme caution.

Despite a growing body of literature on hypnosis and sports, to date, no one has specifically outlined the particular areas in which hypnosis may be efficacious beyond anxiety reduction and attention control (Clarke & Jackson, 1983; Pratt & Korn, 1986; Railo, & Unestahl, 1979; Unestahl, 1979; Unestahl, 1983). In addition, there has been little formal consideration of how hypnosis may be best adapted to the athletic arena.

Yet, in spite of the lack of clear support, hypnosis is used widely in the field of applied sport psychology. In order to reconcile the dearth of empirical support with the use of hypnosis in the sport setting, this article will provide a detailed delineation of hypnosis including current theories, factors related to its effectiveness, and a description of the hypnotic process. Next, the focus will turn to a review of the literature relevant to the use of hypnosis in sports. Then, an investigation will be made of the areas in which hypnosis may be used to enhance athletic performance. Finally, there will be a discussion of training in hypnosis.

What is Hypnosis?

At the heart of hypnosis is the ability to manipulate and modify attentional focus. It is not, as naive subjects believe, a state of unconsciousness or unawareness. In fact, it is considered to be a state of "heightened focal attention", which is characterized as a condition of increased, but narrowed awareness. In other words, there is an increased depth of attention at the expense of breadth of field. This phenomenon has been characterized as "a diminishment in the generalized reality orientation (GRO)" (Shor, 1962; 1969; 1979). The GRO is understood as the normative conventions and constraints on cognition and behavior that characterize everyday functioning. These restrictions range from common social constraints to subtle, nonconscious cognitive appraisal algorithms, for example, thresholds for accepting memory events.

This heightened focal attention during hypnosis results in significant effects on a variety of other cognitive functions including memory, physiological sensitivity, and perception (Barber, 1979; Diamond, 1977; Diamond, 1987; Gill & Brenman, 1959; Sheehan & McConkey, 1982). Furthermore, a reduction in the GRO seems to yield a high degree of cognitive flexibility. In other words, it enables the hypnotized person to see things in new ways and to accept as possible things that would otherwise be seen as impossible, for example, barriers set by one's own expectations. Finally, hypnosis appears to produce a heightened ability to make subtle physiological discriminations, that is, individuals have the capacity to gain awareness and control over visceral and muscular systems (Hilgard, 1977; 1979; Maslach, Zimbardo, & Marshall, 1979).

Theoretical Perspectives on Hypnosis

Significant scientific progress has been made in understanding the processes of hypnosis in the past 30 years. Despite this development, there is as yet no commonly held understanding of hypnosis or explanation of hypnotic phenomena among researchers. Rather, the current zeitgeist is one of competing paradigms, neither of which have gained ascendancy based on definitive experimental findings.

The two opposing perspectives may be labeled, special state and social psychological theories. Special states theorists hold that unique states of consciousness that are defined by cognitive, psychophysiological, and affective characteristics distinguish the mental state of hypnotized from non-hypnotized individuals (Orne, 1959). The most clearly articulated and best supported special state theory is the Neo-Dissociation theory offered by Hilgard (1979). This theory suggests that hypnosis can be best characterized by the modification of the normally linked cognitive structures such as sensation, perception, and memory that characterize human consciousness and behavior, such that these structures become dissociated from centralized control (Hilgard, 1979). In this view, it is through the dissociation of the subsystems that hypnotized individuals can not only access and alter otherwise involuntary responses, but can do so outside the realm of conscious awareness. Considerable research has demonstrated support for the special state theories (Hilgard, 1979; Kihlstrom, 1984; Kirsch, 1990; Lynn, Rhue, & Weekes, 1990; Spanos, 1981).

Social psychological explanations seek to explain hypnotic phenomena as a variation of normal cognitive, interpersonal, and social characteristics. Hypnotized persons are hypothesized to be active, goal-directed individuals who are responsive to the interpersonal demands of the "hypnotic situation" and, as a result, report involuntary behavior because this is what is expected of them (Barber, 1979; Sarbin & Coe, 1972; Spanos, 1981, 1986; Spanos & Chaves, 1989). In other words, this view suggests that hypnotized persons are simply following the isntructions provided by the hypnotist.

Special state and social psychological theories dominate the experimental research. However, other views are important both empirically and clinically, for example, phenomenological perspectives of hypnotic experiencing (Sheehan & McConkey, 1982; Shor, 1979), object relations and psychoanalytic theories (Fromm, 1979; Gill & Brenman, 1959; Gruenewald, Fromm, & Oberlander, 1979; Shevrin, 1979; Wolberg, 1964), ego-state theories (Watkins & Watkins, 1982), and cognitive-behavioral theories (Diamond, 1989). Additionally, a whole broad segment of theoretical and clinical approaches to hypnosis are derived from the work of Milton Erickson (Araoz, 1985; Bandler & Grinder, 1976; Erickson & Rossi, 1980; Haley, 1967; Lankton & Lankton, 1983; Zeig, 1982).

Rather than discussing at length the differences between the competing paradigms, it may be most useful for the practitioner in applied sport psychology to consider where consensus does lie in the current research.

Hypnotizability

Research has consistently produced support for the proposition that the ability that underlies hypnotic responding is an individual variable. This variable, hypnotizability, or the degree of suggestibility experienced by individuals following an hypnotic induction, is normally distributed in the population. Research suggests that about 10% of the population is highly hypnotizable and approximately two-thirds are capable of some level of induction adequate to be scoreable and clinically useful (Shor & Orne, 1962).

Hypnotizability appears to be in part genetic (Morgan, 1973), is developmentally specific, reaching peak maturity by the age of 16 (Hilgard, 1970), and clearly affected by significant life events during early development (As, 1963; Hilgard, 1970; Laurence, Nadon, Nogrady, & Perry, 1986; Lynn & Rhue, 1988). Moreover, hypnotizability is a trait of the subject, differences being unaffected by different administrators (Bowers, 1982), demonstrating stability over time (Morgan, Johnson, & Hilgard, 1974), and only marginally modifiable (Diamond, 1977; Perry, 1977).

Additionally, despite popular belief, hypnotizability is not significantly correlated with such personality traits as suggestibility, hysterical character, or intelligence (Hilgard, 1970). There are, however, several factors that appear to dispose toward higher levels of hypnotizability. A history of severe physical punishment in childhood has been reported to be associated with hypnotizability (Perry & Laurence, 1983). This relationship is purportedly due to the development of dissociative abilities necessary to adapt to an abusive environment which are also relevant in hypnosis. Research has also shown that vividness of imagery is related to hypnotizability (Hilgard, 1979; Perry, 1973). This correlation appears to be heteroscedastic, that is, individuals with good imagery ability may or may not be susceptible, but poor imagery skills is strongly related to low hypnotizability (Hilgard, 1979). There is also a moderate correlation with "absorption", which is described as an ability to become deeply involved in an experience with a low level of distractibility (Tellegen & Atkinson, 1974). It has been suggested that people who are highly hypnotizable possess all three of these skills, while less susceptible individuals either lack some or all of the skills or these skills are less developed (Perry & Laurence, 1983). Finally, and of particular relevance, Hilgard (1974) discovered that participation in individual skill sports enhanced the development course of hypnotizability. Additionally, in a recent investigation of hypnotizability among marathon runners, Masters (1992) found that 54% of the his sample scored in the high range on a measure of hypnotizability, and the sample as a whole had a mean score that placed them in the 71st percentile. These findings, and those reported by Morgan and his colleagues (Morgan, 1985; Morgan & Pollock, 1977; Morgan, O'Conner, Sparling, & Pate, (1987), suggest that hypnotizability may be related to an increased capacity for self-monitoring and physiological self-control.

Evidence from the laboratory (Hilgard, 1965) and clinic (Spiegel & Spiegel, 1978) has demonstrated significant individual differences in hypnotizability. Research continues to report differential responding of high vs. low hypnotizables in a wide variety of areas including reduction of acute pain, production of vivid hallucinatory experience, amnesia, post-hypnotic suggestions, and the ability to resist suggestions (Baker, 1987; Edelson & Fitzpatrick, 1989; Maslach, Zimbardo, & Marshall, 1979). However, despite differences in hypnotizability within the general population, it does not always appear to be significantly related to outcome. Though highly hypnotizable individuals often have better outcomes in therapeutic interventions as compared to low hypnotizable persons (Nace, Warwick, Kelley, & Evans, 1982), this finding is not always consistent (Sarbin & Slagel, 1979). It may be that low hypnotizable individuals may benefit from the "placebo" effects of hypnotic interventions.

Of particular interest in both the research community and in applied sport psychology are the talents of exceptional hypnotic subjects. Almost all researchers agree that this small group (perhaps 2-4% of the general population) exhibits unusually powerful abilities to direct their attention away from "ordinary" reality toward fantasy. Two intriguing questions emerge from this discussion. First, are athletes who have benefitted most from hypnotic interventions in the past those who can be classified as hypnotic "virtuosos"? Second, will athletes who have this specialized talent prove to be the best candidates for complex hypnotic interventions in the future?

Factors Influencing the Effectiveness of Hypnosis

Hypnosis is neither a treatment nor an intervention (Frischholz & Spiegel, 1983). Rather, it may be conceptualized as a vehicle through which interventions are implemented. Once this state of heightened awareness has been attained, the effectiveness of the hypnosis is contingent upon the particular treatment strategies that are used and the willingness of the client to accept the intervention. This openness will depend on two factors. First, the techniques must be appropriate to the client and the issue being presented. As a result, the professional must have a thorough understanding of the client and the problem being addressed. Second, the client must be ready to accept the intervention. The receptivity of the client must be evaluated prior to induction based on a discussion between the professional and the client.

Another important issue that must be considered in the discussion of hypnosis is its "cultural potency". Despite the disclaimer that hypnosis is not an intervention, most laypeople believe that hypnosis is a very powerful treatment strategy. Thus, some studies have found that mere use of induction procedures identified as hypnosis heightens outcomes regardless of levels of hypnotizability (London & Fuhrer, 1961; McGlashan, Evans, & Orne, 1969).

There are a variety of other issues that can influence the effectiveness of hypnosis. First, the competence and experience of the professional will significantly affect the quality of the hypnotic experience. As a result, as with any type of intervention, proper training, supervision, and experience is essential for producing positive effects.

Second, effective hypnotic intervention is largely dependent upon the relationship that the professional establishes with the client (Diamond, 1987; Gill & Brenman, 1959). In particular, a lack of trust or a basic discomfort on the part of the client towards the professional will severely inhibit positive outcomes. As a result, hypnosis should not be employed until a strong and trusting relationship has developed between the professional and the client.

Third, related to this issue, a lack of understanding of the client by the professional can be detrimental. The effective use of hypnosis will be partly contingent upon knowledge of the client's personality, history, environment, and current concerns.

Fourth, hypnotic interventions do not produce magical outcomes. Effective outcomes require practice of the procedures done during hypnosis. Clients must commit time and effort to the incorporation of the cognitive and behavioral skills learned under hypnosis into their behavioral repertoires.

Finally, hypnosis may not be effective due to the nature of the problem being addressed. There may exist psychological, physical, or technical difficulties that are not amenable to remediation using hypnosis. In this case, alternative approaches would be warranted. For example, a performance deficit due to an injury would not be remediable with hypnosis techniques. Rather, the appropriate course of action would be physical rehabilitation of the injury.

In sum, a lack of consideration of these factors may result in the ineffective use of hypnosis. Additionally, when devising an effective treatment plan in junction with hypnosis, other factors must also be considered. Choosing an appropriate induction procedure involves identification of inductive scenarios that are most comfortable to the client. Also, the nature of the hypnotic suggestions that are provided (e.g., verbal or imaginal) will also influence the clients' receptivity to the suggestions. Additionally, the type of sports activity, whether open or closed skilled, fine or gross motor, or individual or team, may impact the value of the hypnotic intervention. Lastly, the nature of the presenting problem, such as cognitive or somatic, will affect the type of induction and suggestions that are used. Misconceptions and Concerns about Hypnosis

Due to the lack of clear understanding of hypnosis, many misconceptions have developed. For example, due to the Svengali-like portrayals of hypnosis in literature, film, and television, as well as the performances of stage hypnotists, it is a commonly held belief that hypnosis causes the client to lose consciousness, awareness, and control (Siegel, 1986). Though highly hypnotizable individuals may have greatly reduced awareness of the immediate surroundings, the large majority of people are consciously alert during the induction process. Hypnosis is also often thought of as magical, being able to produce immediate and effortless results. Indeed, the experience of effortlessness is often understood to be central to hypnosis (Lynn, Rhue, & Weekes, 1990). Because of its ability to broaden cognitive flexibility, dramatic changes are sometimes evident. However, as with all interventions, lasting benefits take time and effort.

Another misconception and significant source of concern about hypnosis is that hypnotized clients will lose control, be forced to do normally abhorrent acts, or divulge secrets against their will (Siegel, 1986). There is, in fact, no support for this notion. Individuals always possess volitional control over their actions. While some evidence of successful clinical manipulation of people's behavior exists, there is no experimental support for hypnotically-derived anti-social behavior (Conn, 1972; Laurence & Perry, 1988).

Other misconceptions include the belief that individuals who are hypnotizable are of low intelligence, mentally weak, or gullible, they will be forced to reveal embarrassing things about themselves, and they will be unable to awaken from the trance. In fact, there is no evidence to support any of these concerns (Siegel, 1986).

The Hypnotic Process

In this section we will consider the conventions of active hypnotic procedures. Traditionally, hypnotic interventions begin with a pre-hypnotic interview which is designed to explore the subject's prior acquaintance with hypnosis, concerns the client may have about the process, and specific goal setting related to the intervention. Since most adults have some passing, if not erroneous, expectations and misconceptions regarding hypnosis, it is important to specifically elicit these concerns, thereby providing a rational and factual foundation for further hypnosis work.

The next phase of the hypnotic intervention, which is honored more often in research than practice, is hypnotizability testing. While research scales are rarely warranted in applied practice, brief scales such as the Stanford Clinical Hypnotizability Scale (ref) or the Hypnotic Induction Profile (Spiegel & Spiegel, 1978) are useful, reliable, and well-validated instruments that can be administered in five to ten minutes. Practitioners often provide more informal testing by using trial imagery to see what images and information modalities the client responds to and prefers.

Testing is valuable because it increases the likelihood of proper client selection and of preliminary screening for appropriate suggestions. It also establishes the introduction of hypnosis in a benign way; the client's skills are explored and a therapeutic outcome is not expected. Finally, it provides experience and training for the clients so they will be better prepared for the initial hypnotic work.

The third phase of hypnotic intervention is the actual introduction of hypnosis, conventionally called the hypnotic induction. This followed by suggestions to increase involvement in the hypnotic experience and trance state, conventionally called deepening. Lastly, there is the actual outcome oriented work in hypnosis that today is referred to as trancework. Each of these three topics will be discussed separately.

Induction. The procedure most closely identified with hypnosis is the induction. Hypnotic induction may be seen as a procedure designed, in part, to heighten readiness. As a result, the induction can be best viewed as a medium through which the particular intervention is applied.

An induction is a set of instructions and suggestions that usher in the hypnotic state (or, from a social psychological perspective, alert clients to the need to shift their behavior to fit the instructions). Hypnotic inductions share several common factors: (1) a receptive mindset by the client; (2) an intention on the part of the professional to guide the focus of attention of the client and shape it toward the trance state; and (3) a recruitment of naturally-occurring, but seldom noticed, physical and mental states, for example, surprise, novelty, fatigue, boredom, and linking them together to capture the client's attention.

Twenty to 25 methods of induction are typically employed in hypnosis (Spanos, 1981). Inductions can be classified by the specific process or activity used to direct the client's attentional focus. They include visual fixation on an object resulting in sensory restriction, eyelid heaviness and eye closure, monotony of voice with suggestions of relaxation, drowsiness, sleep, and depth, imagery of an elaborate, interesting scene, and arm levitation in which feelings of lightness and floating are suggested (Hammond, 1990). In addition, more recently, a variety of indirect techniques have emerged from the work of Erickson (Erickson, Rossi, & Rossi, 1980; Haley, 1967; Zeig, 1982).

For well-motivated clients, virtually any instruction that has them orient internally, restrict their sensory awareness, and cede procedural authority to the hypnotist can function as an induction. In fact, new induction procedures are being introduced all of the time and many professionals develop new strategies with each client.

Deepening. Trance induction is usually followed by "deepening" techniques which have been developed to heighten involvement in the hypnotic experience. These techniques are geared toward several goals: increased relaxation; enhanced sense of comfort and well-being; richer imaginative involvement in a suggested scene; subjective feelings of drowsiness, heaviness, or dyscontrol of bodily processes; and alterations in perceptions of time and space. A typical deepening suggestion might have clients imagine that they are descending a stair case, each step taking them deeping into trance, at the bottom of which they visualize a room in which they find great peace and comfort. Another technique, called "fractionation", involves a trance induction followed by a light tap on the shoulder for clients to temporarily suspend the trance and report their subjective experiences, proceeded with a gentle hand pressure on the shoulder with suggestions to return to the trance. As this process is repeated, the subjective sense of trance deepens and the experience becomes more complete. As clients become increasingly familiar with hypnosis and the professional working with them, both inductions and deepening can become abbreviated. Simple suggestions such as closing of the eyes and deep breathing may be all that is required to recapture a highly involved state.

Deepening is a traditional procedure in hypnosis derived from "depth of trance" metaphors. Whether such techniques are necessary to improve outcome is unclear, largely because the relation of depth of trance to outcome has not been established in all but those procedures that require the greatest alteration in physiological function such as anesthesia (Horevitz, 1986).

Trancework. This phase involves the application of the actual intervention aimed at treating the presenting problem. A variety of treatment strategies may be used ranging from cognitive-behavioral techniques (Sandford, 1986) to psychodynamic approaches (Nigro & Vidic, 1986). It is at this point of the hypnotic process that the theoretical and therapeutic orientation of the professional is most apparent. Traditionally, three different approaches to intervention have been used. Symptomatic hypnotherapy involves short-term treatment focusing on symptom alleviation. Intervention methods include suggestions for removal, transfer, or substitution of problematic symptoms. This approach is often used in conjunction with techniques such as systematic desensitization (Wolpe, 1969) and progressive relaxation (Jacobson, 1938).

Supportive ego-strengthening hypnotherapy, derived from ego psychology, is aimed at fostering self-esteem, self-confidence, and supporting the client with respect to current difficulties with special emphasis placed on highlighting the clients' strengths. The methods typically used involve suggestions for increased confidence, strength, and well-being (Erikson, & Rossi, 1980).

Dynamic hypnotherapy or hypnoanalysis, based on psychoanalytic theory, uses hypnosis to uncover unconscious conflicts and repressed memories (Wolberg, 1964). Techniques that are used include mental imagery, hypnotic dreaming, and age regression (Brown & Fromm, 1986; Nigro & Vidic, 1986).

There are also two general styles of hypnotic intervention. The more traditional approach, responding to the client's relaxed and slumped posture, and disinclination to move or talk, has the professional speak to the client in a monologue as though imprinting on a highly suggestible tabula rasa. This style has been reinforced through the indirect, Eriksonian style of intervention in the past ten years.

The other style, an interactive approach, encourages active participation of the client. This involvement includes assisting in the development of appropriate interventions, applying them to the client's particular needs, and forming and refining images and suggestions, while encouraging the client to interact with the professional verbally during hypnosis.

Another relevant issue concerns the relative merits of direct and indirect suggestion. Hypnosis using direct suggestion involves providing clear and obvious suggestions to the subject, for example, to a athlete, "You will feel strong and confident for the upcoming event". Indirect suggestion involves utilizing various verbal forms of presentation to redirect the subjects' attention away from the question of compliance to the suggestion, for instance, "You may notice that feelings of strength and confidence increase as you allow them to grow for the upcoming event". This is typically accomplished by making the response seem inevitable, inconsequential, interesting, or of secondary importance, thus reducing potential resistance. The limited empirical literature offers no clear support of either method (Kirsch, 1990; Matthews, Bennett, Bean, & Gallagher, 1985). However, clinical experience indicates that direct suggestions may be best for highly motivate, conflict-free clients (Araoz, 1985; Barber & Adrian, 1982; Erickson, Rossi, & Rossi, 1980; Haley, 1973; Lankton & Lankton, 1983; London & Fuhrer, 1961) because they will be willing and open to accept these suggestions.

Conversely, indirect suggestions may be most effective with ambivalent or resistant clients who would defend themselves against direct instructions. Clearly, even if highly motivated, athletes will differ in response to direct vs. indirect suggestions. As a result, professionals should be sensitive to the individual athletes with respect to this issue. In general, the most efficient use of hypnotic suggestion is in a context where the professional and the client discuss and agree in advance what is to be accomplished and the best means for achieving the agreed-upon goals.

Research on Hypnosis and Athletic Performance

Though hypnosis is used by many sport psychologists, there has been only limited empirical investigation of the influence of hypnosis on physical, motor, and sports performance. Moreover, the findings of this research have been equivocal. Exemplary of these explorations, Mead and Roush (1949) found that hypnosis produced greater arm, but not hand strength. Similarly, in a partial replication, Roush (1951) demonstrated increased strength, but not endurance, during and following hypnosis. Moreover, Johnson and his colleagues (Johnson & Kramer, 1960; Johnson & Kramer, 1961; Johnson, Massey, & Kramer, 1960), in a series of studies, reported unclear findings on the influence of hypnosis on a variety of physical strength and endurance tasks.

Similar results emerged in the motor performance literature. For example, research conducted by Arnold (1971), Edmonston and Marks (1967), Fehr and Stern (1967), and Rader (1972) all produced equivocal findings in the relationship between hypnosis and motor performance.

The research exploring hypnosis in the athletic arena is even more restricted in quantity and quality. Specifically, Naruse (1965) reported findings supportive of the effects of hypnosis on athletic performance. Unfortunately, his research was anecdotal rather than empirical. Similarly, McCord (1970), employing a case study methodology, evidenced significant performance gains following hypnosis and posthypnotic suggestion. Additionally, Johnson (1961), in a case study involving a struggling professional baseball player, suggested that hypnosis enables athletes to develop "extensive body movement awareness which is apparently not ordinarily accessible to conscious verbal representation" (p. 263). Ryde (1964) used hypnosis to control and relieve minor physical injuries that inhibit performance. Unfortunately, there were many methodological problems with the preceding research that make it difficult draw any firm conclusions. Taylor and Gerson (1992) examined whether hypnosis combined with mental imagery was more effective in enhancing tennis performance than mental imagery alone. Their findings indicated that hypnotically-induced mental imagery resulted in significant improvement in self-efficacy, technical form, and performance and was significantly better than mental imagery alone in enhancing self-efficacy. Finally, it was concluded by Jacobs and Gotthelf (1986) in a review of the literature that "hypnosis aimed at increasing relaxation and alleviating psychological anxiety may have positive and enhancing effects on the performance of athletes" (p. 167).

Uses in Applied Sport Psychology

As indicated previously, considerable clinical and empirical evidence has demonstrated the value of hypnosis in addressing a wide variety of clinical issues. These findings in the clinical field may provide initial justification for the use of hypnosis in the athletic domain. Thus, though the research findings are still equivocal, hypnosis may be used with a diverse assortment of difficulties that are faced by athletes. It is recommended, however, that scientific exploration of the effectiveness of hypnosis in addressing sport-related issues should accompany its use in applied sport psychology.

Cognitive self-control. Hypnosis appears to tap basic cognitive processes that are essential for high level athletic performance including self-confidence, attention, memory. Commonly used cognitive restructuring techniques such as positive self-affirmations and rational-emotive strategies may all be enhanced through the use of hypnosis. For example, hypnotized clients appear to be able to view things from "impossible perspectives" or consider unlikely events so realistically that they generalize to real-life experience.

In trance, hypnotized clients seem to more readily accept suggestions that achieve desired objectives. The unique contribution of the hypnotic state lies in the classical suggestion effect, or the experienced effortlessness of the acceptance of suggestions. For reasons that are as yet unclear, thoughts that are generated under hypnosis are accorded a special or preferential status as true by individuals (Bowers, 1982; Laurence, Nadon, Nogrady, & Perry, 1986).

Athletes may take advantage of this "believed-in" state to produce high self-confidence and motivation and a positive attitude toward both proximal and distal goals (Taylor & Gerson, 1992). This outcome may be achieved by incorporating efficacious or motivating verbal suggestions, such as "I will perform well today", or "I always work as hard as I can" into the trancework. In addition, hypnosis can facilitate the learning of new skills by assisting the client in attending to relevant cues in the sequencing and timing of complex motor responses.

A problem that is common to athletes who are young, slumping, or participating at a new, higher level of competition is that of cognitive interference, or thinking that is not necessary to the current performance. Rather than relying on well-learned responses, these athletes function in a state of heightened vigilance, unnecessarily anticipating and planning responses even while they are performing, and exacerbating this process with excessive self-criticism.

Hypnotic training to "step back" from their performance, allowing athletes' well-learned routines to emerge automatically without conscious cognitive interference can be effective in alleviating these problems. Conceptually, this skill involves the proper monitoring function of conscious awareness and processing, that is, it should be limited to subtle adjustments to specific environmental variables, for example, split times, race standings, or assessing alternatives in the face of new information. Thus, hypnosis may help in finding new strategies and improving problem-solving and decision making.

Imagery effects. The research on the effects of mental imagery on competitive performance has been supportive of its value (Feltz & Landers, 1983; Greenspan & Feltz, 1989). In addition, there is a growing body of evidence that hypnosis may enhance the quality of mental imagery. For example, as indicated earlier, Taylor and Gerson (1992) have reported increased effects of hypnotically-induced mental imagery on self-efficacy, skill acquisition, and athletic performance.

This improvement may be due to several factors. First, hypnosis appears to increase the vividness of imagery, possibly by reducing the amount of background "noise" and internal and external distractors. Also, the professional may enhance clarity by providing specific multisensory and performance cues to the client (Taylor & Gerson, 1992).

Second, controllability may be increased by enabling the client to imagine previously "impossible" performances. This effect of producing subjectively compelling and believed-in images appears to be due to the effortlessness of the experience and the subjective sense of verisimilitude of the classical suggestion effect (Bowers, 1982; Shor, 1979).

These added benefits of hypnotically-induced imagery may be used to increase self-confidence by generating success imagery, or seeing is believing. Hypnotically-induced imagery may also improve body awareness and enable the athlete to gain a greater understanding of performance blocks. To further maximize the benefits of hypnotically induced imagery, it is recommended that the professional use words, images, and perceptions generated by the athlete.

In addition to these positive elements, caution is warranted with the use of imagery while under hypnosis. Accompanying the enhanced clarity of the images is a deeper emotional resonance of the images that are elicited. In other words, the emergence of strong emotions and unconscious material linked to the imagined experiences is possible. As a result, the professional must check regularly with the client as to the meaning of the images and be prepared to respond quickly to a negative reaction in order to protect the welfare of the client.

Affect stability. The ability to reduce distractibility, that is, maintain concentration in the face of intense internal or external stimulation, is considered to be an affective skill. Specifically, it requires the ability to "gate out" irrelevant stimuli and to modulate states of affective arousal. For example, Spiegel, Cutcomb, Ren, and Pribram (1985) have demonstrated that hypnotically-induced imagery can block out stimuli so effectively that the electrophysiological responses are immeasurable. This evidence indicates that the use of hypnotically-suggested "stimulus barriers" can be both effective and enduring. Feelings of disinterest in surroundings, fuzziness of peripheral visual perception, or "tunnel vision", can be effectively suggested to athletes, rehearsed prior to competition, and applied outside of awareness in competition.

Research by Orlick and Partington (1988) involving a study of Canadian Olympic athletes demonstrates the importance of reducing distractions. They report that the ability to control distractibility was closely associated with superior performance at the Olympics. In particular, athletes who best resisted the environmental stimulation, who were less awed by being in the Games, and were best able to stay focused on their own goals and game plan, performed optimally.

Hypnosis can be useful as part of an overall program of relaxation and arousal control in preparation for competition. Hypnosis, along with other techniques, has been used to reduce pre-competitive anxiety. In fact, this may be one of the most common uses of hypnotic-like interventions, for example, imagery facilitated relaxation. However, before this procedure is applied to the athletic setting, research by Hanin (1978) on the "zone of optimal functioning" , also called the "ideal performing state" by Unestahl (1981; Railo & Unestahl, 1979), should be considered. These researchers indicate that the optimal level of arousal for individual athletes may vary greatly. As such, using relaxation strategies with all athletes would be inappropriate. Hypnotic techniques may be utilized to assess each athlete's "zone" by taking athletes back to re-live previous past performances, both good and bad. This experience would enable athletes to gain insight into the relationship between their arousal level and their competitive performances. This ideal state may then be practiced under hypnosis and field tested for its efficacy. Furthermore, cognitive-behavioral treatments for anxiety such as counter-conditioning and stress inoculation may be effectively incorporated into the trancework (Clarke & Jackson, 1983; Diamond, 1989). Other potential uses include the control of aggression and the development of effective coping responses to failure, disappointment, and other emotional stressors.

Neuromuscular and physiological self-control. The hypnotic state appears to facilitate conscious access to subtle neuromuscular processes and mechanisms that would otherwise seem to be beyond direct conscious control. These effects are most noticeable in three areas. First, hypnosis allows for the development of precise discrimination between normally linked structures such as specific muscle groups (Maslach, Zimbardo, Marshall, 1979; Overlade, 1976). This process would provide greater kinesthetic awareness and control for skill acquisition.

Considerable research has shown that many, if not all, individuals can learn to control non-voluntary physiological responses, activate individual muscle groups, and alter basic, subtle brain processes through imagery (for a review, see Feltz & Landers, 1983). Mental imagery appears to enhance motor learning, at least in part, through low-level neuromuscular innervations in the muscles associated with a particular motor skill (Hale, 1982; Harris & Robinson, 1986; Hecker & Kaczor, 1988). As indicated above, hypnotically-induced imagery may further enhance this benefit. However, to be successful, the sport psychologist must have a detailed understanding of the particular motor sequence, or physical skill, to be altered. Interventions of this type may provide a useful addition to athletes' traditional physical rehearsal.

Second, hypnosis seems to contribute to the acceleration of the natural process of healing. The application of hypnotic interventions to acute injury is an interesting, yet relatively unexplored, area. Exemplary of the research that has been generated, a series of studies examined the adjunctive use of hypnosis with an ice bath in burn units immediately following the burn (Ewin, 1986; Margolis, Domangue, Ehrenen, & Shrier, 1983). Results indicated that hypnosis attenuated burn depth significantly. In addition, clinical observations have shown similar results in reducing post-traumatic swelling. Consequently, hypnosis may be an effective tool in the rehabilitation of sports-related injury.

Third, there is considerable evidence that hypnosis can significantly raise the threshold of pain among many individuals (Frankl, 1987; Wain, 1987). Moreover, these effects appear to be fairly enduring. The teaching of self-hypnosis to athletes, within a overall framework of education of exercise and injury, can aid pain tolerance in physical training and non-disabling injuries. However, considerable care should be taken in using hypnosis to control pain. Clearly, pain is a warning signal of potential physical damage. As such, hypnotically blocking the reception of pain may result in physical injury.

Despite early claims, hypnotic interventions have never been shown to increase strength, mobilize strength for explosive events, or decrease reaction time (Jackson et al., 1979). In fact, the preponderance of empirical evidence indicates that direct hypnotic suggestion for increased strength, with or without imagery, hampers strength and reaction time. These findings indicate that caution and special care are warranted in the use of psychological strategies to enhance physical activities. It should be emphasized that some physiological systems are readily and positively influenced by hypnotic intervention, others are unaffected by such approaches, and still others may be adversely influenced by hypnotic strategies.

Hypnotic discovery techniques. As mentioned above, hypnosis can be valuable in identifying the causes of performance difficulties. In particular, it is sometimes the case that athletes area not consciously aware of why they are performing poorly. Moreover, the presence of defenses may inhibit the client's ability to gain understanding of these issues through normal introspection. Hypnosis may be useful as a strategy for bypassing habitual patterns of conscious processing, reframing or inhibiting practiced defenses, and thereby enable "hidden" causes to be identified and addressed. Thus hypnosis can be a worthwhile adjunct to normal information gathering (Wolberg, 1964).

It is important to emphasize that we are not suggesting that the sport psychologist utilize hypnosis (or any other procedure) to look for remote, childhood causes of performance difficulties. Rather, we are speaking about using hypnosis to help athlete re-create competitive or training experiences with greater clarity and richness of information than might otherwise occur. Johnson (1961a; 1961b) first proposed utilization of hypnosis in this context. More recently, Morgan (1992) summarized the use of this intervention strategy with athletes in a special invited address at the American Psychological Association convention.

In the "discovery process" athletes are encouraged to imagine the critical event and identify with the performance as closely as possible, paying attention to everything that is affecting them, what thoughts are present, their physical experience, awareness of competitors and significant others, and other relevant information. Through this process, athletes can become increasingly aware of otherwise unnoticed aspects of the performance experience, thus leading to identification of crucial information that may result in more appropriate and effective interventions.

Conceptually, the discovery process involves utilizing hypnosis to broaden athletes' attention and awareness about a performance, rather than keep it highly focused which is required in actual performance.

Professional experience has indicated that hypnosis can be a valuable addition to the traditional information-gathering process. It can be especially beneficial for less verbally-oriented and introspective clients. However, in addition to these benefits, professionals must be aware of the potential fallibility of this technique. For example, research has demonstrated that, while hypnosis enhances memory recall, it also increases the occurrence of false memory (Dywan & Bowers, 1983; Laurence, Nadon, Nogrady, & Perry, 1986; Sheehan & Tilden, 1983). As a result, the information gained from the use of discovery techniques may not be accurate.

Additionally, there are possible dangers associated with discovery techniques. Specifically, taking an athlete back to an earlier poor performance may in some cases be quite traumatic and evoke unexpected and sometimes unpleasant thoughts, feelings, and images. Should such a reaction occur, it is essential that the professional respond quickly and effectively. Consequently, due to the uncertain nature of issues that may appear from the unconscious while using a discovery procedure, it is suggested that only those professionals with clinical training use these techniques. For non-clinical practitioners interested in using discovery techniques as part of their information-gathering process, collaboration with a clinician trained in hypnosis would be an appropriate course of action.

Training in Hypnosis

There are many ways in which to obtain training in hypnosis. Within graduate curricula, courses are often taught on the theoretical and practical issues in hypnosis. Training programs comprised of weekend seminars are also common. However, due to the potential ethical and practical dangers associated with hypnosis, training programs should be considered carefully and evaluated fully. Of particular concern is the expertise and experience of the trainers and the depth and breadth of the training that is provided.

Individuals who are interested in developing skills in hypnosis should consider the following guidelines: (a) the course or training program should be offered by a professional of recognized and demonstrable expertise; (b) short-term training programs such as weekend seminars should be followed by a sequence of workshops and supervision by a trained professional; and (c) ideal training should involve coursework and extensive supervision within a broad-based curriculum that teaches not only hypnosis, but also appropriate interventions within this medium. Regardless of the specific methods of training, professionals should adhere to the ethical guidelines presented by the American Psychological Association (APA, 1990) related to identifying and practicing within their area of competence.

For more information on hypnosis, contact either The Society for Clinical and Experimental Hypnosis, 128-A Kings Park Drive, Liverpool, New York, 13090, 315-652-7299 or The American Society of Clinical Hypnosis, 2250 East Devon Avenue, Suite 336, Des Plaines, Illinois, 60018, 312-297-3317.

Conclusion

The purpose of this article was to describe hypnosis and provide information regarding its usefulness in applied sport psychology. It is apparent that hypnosis may be a useful tool for appropriately trained professionals in addressing a variety of issues in the sports setting. However, along with this utility, several concerns must be addressed. First, despite the empirical support of the value of hypnosis outside of sport and the interest in and use of hypnosis in the athletic domain, there is little methodologically rigorous empirical research substantiating its value. Moreover, the existing research is equivocal in its endorsement of the effectiveness of hypnosis. As a result, an important and necessary development in the application of hypnosis to sports is the empirical verification of its value in this particular setting. It is recommended that, in addition to its use with athletes, professionals in the field of applied sport psychology develop and implement sound research investigations that will validate the positive, though anecdotal, assertions made by professionals who currently employ hypnosis in their treatment repertoires.

Second, a theme that we hope has been clearly emphasized throughout this paper is that hypnosis is a valuable, powerful, and possibly dangerous tool to professionals in applied sport psychology. The potential benefits may be significant and, at the same time, the potential harm may be profound. As a result, extensive preparation should be required including coursework, training, and supervised experience in preparation for the use of hypnosis with athletes. Also, special care should be given to fully understanding all aspects of the athlete, both personally and athletically, in order to clearly identify the areas to be addressed with the hypnotic intervention and any ancillary issues that might prove harmful. Foremost, it is important that professionals who use hypnosis maintain a respect for its potency in influencing human behavior both within and outside the athletic arena.

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SUBSTANCE ABUSE TRAINING IN APA-ACCREDITED DOCTORAL PROGRAMS IN CLINICAL PSYCHOLOGY:
A SURVEY

Tevia Chiert, Steven N. Gold, & Jim Taylor

Abstract

A survey addressing training provided in the area of substance abuse was mailed to all 160 provisionally and fully APA-accredited doctoral clinical psychology programs. A total of 95 replies were received, yielding a response rate of 59%. The questionnaire was essentially identical to one distributed in two previous surveys of APA accredited clinical psychology training programs in 1981 and 1984. The current study was conducted to ascertain, in light of the recent call by the APA and other groups representing professional psychologists for greater involvement by the profession in the area of substance abuse, whether levels of doctoral training in this area have changed appreciably since the previous surveys were conducted. Due to the considerable increase in number of APA-accredited Psy.D. programs since the previous two surveys, it was also possible to compare relative levels of training in substance abuse in Ph.D., Psy.D, and combined Ph.D./Psy.D. programs.

Substance Abuse Training in APA-Accredited Doctoral

Programs in Clinical Psychology

At no time in history has the abuse of substances been as widespread as it is today (Ray, 1984). Moreover, never has so much attention been focused on or funds channeled toward the understanding, prevention and treatment of substance abuse (United States General Accounting Office, 1990). In the midst of these developments, there is ample evidence that the profession of psychology is in danger of missing the opportunity to contribute meaningfully to the investigation and treatment of substance use disorders.

Nathan and McGrady (1987) point out that alcoholism counseling first emerged when recovering alcoholics took steps to help other alcoholics on the path towards recovery. These first counselors received little training and relied on their experiences and involvement in Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) in working with their clients. This, however, is no longer the case. Most states now have specific standards for the certification of counselors including formal instruction in counseling, group, and family skills, and clinical supervision.

However, despite the need for qualified professionals to serve the large number of substance abusers who need treatment, it would appear that only a limited number of mental health practitioners are adequately trained to treat substance abusers. Studies examining programs in social work, nursing, and psychiatric residency demonstrated that little time was devoted to specialized course work, training, or experience in the treatment of substance abuse (Busch & Svanum, 1980; Einstein & Wolfson, 1970; Galantner, Kaufman, Taintor, Robinowitz, Mayer, & Halikas, 1989; Schlesinger & Borg, 1986; Steg, Mann, Schwartz, Wise, & Bailey, 1990; Walker & Casey, 1985).

Similarly, among clinical psychologists, there appears to be little interest in substance abuse treatment (Knox, 1969, 1971, 1973; Morris, 1987; Rivers & Cole; 1976; Youngstrom, 1991). Only 504 of the 68,000 psychologists appearing in the 1989 APA directory identify substance abuse as being their primary specialty (Youngstrom, 1991). The relatively low level of participation by psychologists in substance abuse treatment is further documented by the National Drug and Alcoholism Treatment Survey (NDATUS) (1989), which was conducted to measure the location, scope, and characteristics of drug abuse and alcohol treatment facilities and services throughout the United States, the District of Columbia, and U.S. territories. Private and publicly funded programs were included in the study; 13,345 questionnaires were mailed, and a response rate of 77.9 percent was obtained. It was reported by NDATUS (1989) that, in the facilities surveyed, the counseling staff (including psychologists, social workers, credentialed counselors and other counselors) provided 60.1% of the full-time services. Psychologists, defined as having obtained a minimum of a master's degree in psychology, provided 12% of the direct care services. In the drug only facilities, psychologists provided 10% of the direct care services. In the alcohol only facilities, psychologists provided 8% of the direct care services (NDATUS, 1989). Similar findings were reported by Hosie, West, and McKay (1989). On the basis of these studies, it is clear that psychologists are poorly represented in all aspects of substance abuse treatment.

It is not surprising, therefore, that doctoral programs in clinical psychology often do not include adequate coverage of the topic of substance abuse in the training they offer. Two mail surveys of APA-approved doctoral programs investigating the level of training they provided in the diagnosis and treatment of substance abuse related problems were conducted during the last decade (Lubin, Brady, Woodward, & Thomas, 1986; Selin & Svanum, 1981).

Selin and Svanum (1981) surveyed the program directors of APA-approved clinical psychology graduate programs. A majority of the responding programs covered the area of substance abuse as part of another course, and made arrangements to assign students with an interest in the topic to practicum placements dealing primarily with alcoholism or substance abuse. However, despite a mean rating indicating training in this area was perceived as being necessary at the graduate level, none of the schools surveyed offered any required courses devoted exclusively to this area. A large minority did provide at least one elective course on the subject, but a small group of schools did acknowledge not addressing substance abuse at all in their curriculum, even as part of another course. Selin and Svanum (1981) concluded that "most students receive minimal course work and infrequent direct clinical experience with persons who have problems with substance abuse" (p. 720). They further observed that "the extent of clinical training in alcoholism/ substance abuse appears disproportionately low in comparison to the magnitude of the problems in terms of the potential contributions that psychology and psychologists can make" (Selin & Svanum, 1981, p. 720). Similar findings were reported by Schlesinger (1984), who noted that, overall, schools were exposing their students to the substance abuse issues, but the specific training or course work was minimal.

In 1984, Lubin, Brady, Woodward and Thomas (1986) replicated Selin and Svanum's 1981 survey. Their results indicated that, compared to the previous survey, the percentage of clinical psychology programs that offered a minimum of one graduate level course on substance abuse had decreased. Consistent with this finding, there was a substantial drop in ratings of the perceived importance of providing substance abuse training at the graduate level. The number of programs that addressed alcoholism and substance abuse as part of other courses, however, increased; most of these courses were required as part of the curriculum. The percentage of programs that offered substance abuse related practicum placements also increased. Lubin et al. (1986) concluded that the students "receive only minimal training" in the area of substance abuse, adding "universities are not taking responsibility for enabling students to look at their own attitudes and value systems regarding working with patients who have alcoholism/substance abuse problems" (p. 153).

In the intervening years since the Lubin et al. study (1986), organizations and publications representing professional psychologists have initiated a major shift in their orientation toward and level of interest in service provision to substance abusing populations. There is a growing recognition among these groups that psychologists, although in theory ideally equipped to make significant contributions to the investigation and treatment of addictive disorders are, in fact, severely under-represented in this area ("Practice Directorate," 1992; Welch, 1992; Youngstrom, 1991). A movement has emerged, spearheaded by the Society of Psychologists in the Addictive Behaviors (SPAB) and APA Division 42's Committee on Alcohol and Substance Abuse, to grant APA division status to SPAB (Wexler, 1992; Youngstrom, 1991). Further, the APA Practice Directorate is considering creating an Office on Alcoholism and Substance Abuse to promote psychologists' training and involvement in treatment and research of addictive disorders (Youngstrom, 1991). Moreover, in November, 1991 the APA Board of Professional Affairs passed a resolution endorsing the execution of more research by and the provision of additional training to psychologists in the area of substance abuse (Youngstrom, 1991).

Given this upsurge in interest in substance abuse service provision among professional psychologists, the present study was conducted to determine whether appreciable changes in patterns of training in this area have occurred among doctoral programs in clinical psychology since the 1984 survey conducted by Lubin et al. (1986). To accomplish this, a mail survey was completed using essentially the same questionnaire employed by Selin and Svanum (1981) and Lubin et al. (1986). The data obtained in the present study were then compared to the findings of the two previous surveys to ascertain whether doctoral programs have responded to the call for more comprehensive training in the diagnosis and treatment of substance abuse. Due to the considerable increase in APA-accredited Psy.D. and combined Ph.D./Psy.D. programs since Lubin et al.'s (1986) survey, it was also possible to compare relative levels of substance abuse training in Ph.D., Psy.D., and Ph.D./Psy.D. programs.

Method

Participants

The 160 doctoral (i.e., both Ph.D. and Psy.D.) programs in clinical psychology comprising all provisionally and fully APA-accredited programs were solicited to participate in the study. The names of the programs were obtained from the December, 1990 issue of the American Psychologist. A total of 95 replies were received, representing a 59% response rate, which compared favorably with the previous surveys conducted by Selin and Svanum (1981) and Lubin et al. (1986). The questionnaire was completed by eighty-two of the 138 Ph.D. programs (59%), 10 of the 17 Psy.D. programs (59%), and three of the five programs (60%) offering Ph.D. and Psy.D. degrees.

Questionnaire

The questionnaire, essentially identical to those used by Selin and Svanum (1981) and Lubin et al. (1986), is available from the authors upon request. Two revisions were made to the original questionnaire. One question, "How many workshops, colloquia, or seminars relating to alcohol or drug problems were offered to students during the past year?", was added. The second revision consisted of eliminating a question asking for the title of the textbooks used in the substance abuse classes. It was deleted because the names of the textbooks had not previously been reported in the literature, prohibiting any comparison to previous studies.

Procedure

The initial mailing of the survey packages to the dean or program director of each of the 160 Ph.D. and Psy.D. programs was completed on November 13, 1991. Two days after the mailing, a pre-notification telephone call was made to the secretary of each dean or chairperson. On November 22, 1991, each secretary was called for the second time and asked to remind the potential respondent to complete the questionnaire. Of the total 160 programs contacted, sixty-seven (41.9%) responded to the initial mailing. The respondents to the first mailing consisted of fifty-four of the 138 Ph.D. programs (39%), ten of the 17 Psy.D. programs (59%), and three of the five combined Ph.D./Psy.D. programs (60%).

On January 13, 1992 a follow-up survey was sent to the respondents who did not complete the initial questionnaire. Each respondent who had not yet replied was asked to complete the questionnaire by January 31, 1992. An additional 27 Ph.D. programs (19.6% of those initially contacted) responded to the second mailing.

Results

The results of this study indicate that the sampling was sound, inasmuch as the respondents were programmatically and geographically representative of the general population. The distribution of respondents across types of programs, 86% Ph.D., 11% Psy.D., 3% combined Ph.D./Psy.D., was identical to the proportion of these three types of programs comprising all APA-accredited doctoral programs in clinical psychology. The geographical distribution by region of responding programs also closely approximated that of APA-accredited programs as a whole, with the exception of some over-representation of the Mid-West programs. Replies were received from 41 states and five of the nine Canadian programs. The percentages of programs responding from each region, with percentages of all existing APA-Accredited programs from each region appearing in parentheses, were as follows: Mid-West 35% (26%); Mid-Atlantic 23% (23%); Southern 15% (17%); Western 8% (8%); North-Eastern 5% (6%); Mountain 5% (6%); Canada 5% (9%); South-Central 3% (5%).

Faculty and Students

The survey findings indicated that 6347 part- and full-time students were enrolled in clinical psychology doctoral programs (see Table 1). Overall, 11.5% of the students were estimated to have an interest in substance abuse. Students enrolled in Psy.D. programs were estimated to have the highest interest (14%) in substance abuse, followed by 11.4% of the Ph.D. students and 10% of the students in Ph.D/Psy.D. programs. Research or clinical interest in substance abuse was reported to be held by 10.3% of all faculty. Faculty interest was slightly higher in the Psy.D. programs (10.7%) than the Ph.D. (10.3%) or Ph.D./Psy.D. (10%) programs.

Academic Training

The results of the study indicated that 41% of the programs offered at least one graduate-level course on substance abuse. At least one course was offered by 38% of the Ph.D. programs, as compared to 60% of the Psy.D. and 67% of the Ph.D./Psy.D. programs. Moreover, twelve Ph.D. programs (15%) and three Psy.D. programs (30%) indicated that they planned to develop more courses in the area.

In addition to offering courses specifically relating to substance abuse, 62% of the Ph.D., 40% of the Psy.D., and 67% of the Ph.D./Psy.D. programs included topics relating to substance abuse as a part of another course. In 79% of these instances the courses were requirements in the programs' curriculum. The average proportion of course time devoted to substance abuse was 10.7%.

The opportunities to learn about substance abuse extended beyond the classroom. Additional workshops, colloquia or seminars on the topic were offered by 63% of the programs and 51% of the programs planned to offer more of these opportunities in the future. Out of all the responding schools, only one, a Ph.D. program, reported offering a formal program or sub-sub-sub-specialty on alcoholism and substance abuse.

Practicum Training

Practicum placements in institutions dealing primarily with substance abuse were offered by fifty-five (58%) of the programs. Such placements were offered by forty-three of the Ph.D. programs (52%), 9 Psy.D. programs (90%), and three Ph.D/Psy.D. programs (100%) offered such practicum placements. Of the students attending Ph.D. programs offering practicum placements dealing primarily with substance abuse, 15.4% were placed at such sites, as compared with 22% of the students in Psy.D. programs and 7% of the students in Ph.D./Psy.D. Across all three types of doctoral clinical psychology degree programs, 9.4% of all students completed practicum placements of this nature.

Research

The three programs reported a total of 253 current research projects in the area of substance abuse. The existence of at least one current research project by either the students or the faculty was indicated by sixty-two Ph.D. programs (76%), seven Psy.D. programs (70%), and two Ph.D./Psy.D. programs (67%). The intention to increase research activity in this area was indicated by thirty-two Ph.D. programs (39%), six Psy.D. programs (60%) and two Ph.D./Psy.D. programs (67%).

Student Interest and Adequacy of Training

The mean rating of respondents' perception of adequacy of training and exposure to alcoholism and substance abuse on a scale of one to five (1 = insufficient, 5 = overemphasized) across the three program types was 2.3. The Ph.D./Psy.D. programs obtained the lowest mean rating of 2.0. The mean rating among Ph.D. programs was 2.3 and among Psy.D. programs 2.6. Ratings reflected that 57.5% of the programs surveyed perceived students' training in and exposure to the area of substance abuse to be less than adequate.

The mean rating of the perception of the necessity for a clinical psychologist to receive training in the evaluation and treatment of substance abuse for the three programs was 3.9 (1 = unnecessary, 5 = very necessary). Psy.D. programs obtained the highest mean rating of 4.2. The mean rating among Ph.D./Psy.D. and Ph.D. programs was 4.0 and 3.8 respectively.

Across programs, thirty-three percent indicated graduate school was the most appropriate level for training to occur. An additional 30% reported that training should occur on the graduate level and another level. However, there were substantial differences between program types. Only 30% of Ph.D. programs saw graduate school as the most appropriate level at which to provide substance abuse training, compared with 40% of Psy.D. and 67% of Ph.D./Psy.D. programs. While 40% of the Psy.D. programs expressed the belief that substance abuse training should occur during internship, only 20% of Ph.D. programs and none of the combined Ph.D./Psy.D. programs agreed. Although 36% of Ph.D. programs endorsed instruction in the area of substance abuse at two or more training levels (i.e. among graduate school, internship, and post-doctoral training), none of the Psy.D. or combined Ph.D./Psy.D. programs did so.

Discussion

Several factors are likely to influence the programs' decisions to increase or decrease the amount or type of training they offer in the area of substance abuse. These factors include the extent of the substance abuse problem in society, the interests of the faculty and/or students, and the historical forces that have shaped graduate training in psychology. The impact of these issues appears to differ in programs representing the Boulder and Vail models of training for clinical psychology.

A comparison of scientist-practitioner (Boulder model/Ph.D.) with professional-practitioner (Vail model/Psy.D.) programs (Peterson, 1985) revealed little difference in the curricula of the two. Despite this finding, which Peterson (1985) attributed to the influence of the APA accreditation criteria, Peterson argued that the two models represent genuinely different approaches to clinical training by virtue of subscribing to divergent "cultures," reflected "in the attitudes and interests of the faculty and students" (p. 447). The research culture involves probing into relevant questions, framing new ideas and findings into cohesive concepts, and discovering what is going on in the world in an environment that promotes inquiry (Peterson, 1985). The culture of practice is oriented toward providing services to the public. It is devoted to solving the problems of the individual case, encouraging the discussion of cases among colleagues, and establishing new programs to be introduced into the community in the interest of helping people in need of services (Peterson, 1985).

Consistent with Peterson's (1985) claims, the results of the present study indicate that, while both Ph.D. and Psy.D. programs offer classroom, clinical, and research training in the area of substance abuse, they place differing emphases on these activities. The training in substance abuse in the Psy.D. programs is consistent with the professional-practitioner model and appears to be influenced by the practitioner/community-based culture while training in substance abuse in the Ph.D. programs is consistent with the scientist-practitioner model and appears to be influenced by the empirical/research culture in encouraging research activity in this area. The training in substance abuse in the Ph.D./Psy.D. programs appears to be an amalgamation of the two models.

At present, the Ph.D. programs appear to be less committed to classroom training than at any time in the past decade. The percentage of Ph.D. programs that offer courses on substance abuse has decreased successively in each study and the percentage of programs that address the issue as part of another course also decreased since the 1986 study. Moreover, this trend is likely to continue. Many Ph.D. programs have indicated they will not expand the number of courses they offer to their students in the future. While clinical training in the Ph.D. programs is decreasing, the percentage of Ph.D. programs that indicated at least one current research project in the area of substance abuse has increased in each successive study and the programs indicated they intend to increase their research activity in the future.

Unlike Ph.D. programs, Psy.D. programs indicate a current and future commitment to clinical training in substance abuse. The faculty of the Psy.D. programs, as compared to those in Ph.D. and Ph.D./Psy.D. programs, were estimated to have greater clinical and/or research interest in substance abuse. Research and clinical training are also likely to continue to increase among the Psy.D. programs because the perception that clinical psychologists need substance abuse training was higher in the Psy.D. programs than the Ph.D. or Ph.D./Psy.D. programs. This commitment to clinical and research training in substance abuse suggests that the Psy.D. programs are following the spirit of the professional-practitioner model and are likely to continue to offer their students diverse learning experiences in the future.

Like Psy.D. programs, Ph.D./Psy.D. programs offer diverse training in substance abuse. The influence of both the scientific and practitioner cultures is evident in the curricula of the programs. The Ph.D./Psy.D. programs surveyed provide course work, practica, and research training in the area of substance abuse and plan to increase the clinical and research training they offer to their students. A comparison of the Ph.D./Psy.D. programs and the separate Ph.D. and Psy.D. programs demonstrates that, of the three programs, the combined programs plan to expand their research component the most. Research activity may be increasing because both the research and clinically oriented students may be recognizing the need to conduct research as a basis for the treatment of substance abuse.

Another comparison between the three programs reveals that the Psy.D. and some Ph.D. programs intend to expand the number of courses they offer in the area of substance abuse while the Ph.D./Psy.D. programs do not intend to offer additional courses. The Ph.D./Psy.D. programs may not be offering additional courses because the percentage of Ph.D./Psy.D. programs that offer substance abuse courses and courses which address the issue of substance abuse as part of another course are higher than the percentage of Psy.D. and Ph.D. programs which offer the same courses.

Psy.D. and Ph.D/Psy.D. programs also appear to provide their students with more of an opportunity to obtain a well-rounded education in the area of substance abuse than the Ph.D. programs. On the average, students in the Psy.D. and Ph.D/Psy.D. programs receive more training in the area of substance abuse in the form of course work and clinical training than Ph.D. students, whose exposure to classroom and clinical training in this area is decreasing.

Conclusions

Psychology as a profession is beginning to awaken to its potential to make a substantial contribution to the understanding and treatment of substance abuse problems through the expertise it can offer in assessment, intervention, and research. Regrettably, the results of this study do not indicate that doctoral clinical psychology programs have taken decisive steps to expand the training offered to students in their programs that would enable them to such a contribution. Psy.D. and combined Psy.D./Ph.D. programs seem to be somewhat ahead of Ph.D. programs in this regard, as they appear, on the average, to offer somewhat more substance abuse training to their doctoral students than do Ph.D. programs. Nevertheless, it would be difficult to argue that even Psy.D. and Psy.D./Ph.D. programs are offering a level of training commensurate with the extent and prevalence of the mental health problems represented by and related to substance abuse.

In spite of the fact that the APA and the program directors of APA-approved doctoral clinical psychology programs have recognized the need for additional training in the area of substance abuse, no definitive action has been taken to increase the limited level of training in APA approved programs. It would be prudent for the program directors of APA-approved doctoral programs in clinical psychology to consolidate their efforts to provide students with more exposure and training in the area of substance abuse. A unified effort would, in the long run, serve the discipline of psychology, substance abusers themselves, and the community at large.

References

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A MULTIDIMENSIONAL MODEL OF MOMENTUM IN SPORTS

Jim Taylor & Andrew Demick

Abstract

The goal of the present paper is to provide a theoretical formulation of momentum in sports that articulates the processes involved in the development of momentum. Momentum is presently defined as: a positive or negative change in cognition, physiology, affect, and behavior caused by a precipitating event or series of events that will result in a shift in performance. The present model proposes a series of changes, termed the "momentum chain", that result in the development of momentum: (a) precipitating event or events, (b) change in cognition, affect, and physiology, (c) change in behavior, (d) the resulting increase or decrease in performance consistent with the above changes, (e) a contiguous and opposing change in the previous factors on the part of the opponent (for sports with head-to-head competition), and (f) a resultant change in the immediate outcome. A preliminary investigation of the first stage of the model examining the relationship between precipitating events and changes in competitive outcome provided initial support for the value of the model.

A Multidimensional Model

of Momentum in Sports

The concept of momentum is, at the same time, one of the most commonly referred to and least understood phenomena in the realm of sports. It is typically conceived of as an unpredictable and ethereal force outside the control of individuals and teams that can often dictate the outcome of competition. Despite its mysterious allure and prevalence in the collective psyche of the athletic community, only recently have there been attempts within the field of psychology to systematically consider momentum from a scientific perspective.

These investigations, both theoretical and empirical, have increased our understanding of the concept of momentum in sports (Adler, 1981; Iso-Ahola & Mobily, 1980; Silva, Hardy, & Crace, 1988; Vallerand, Colavecchio, & Pelletier, 1988). Yet, these explanations do not appear to provide a full accounting of the relevant aspects of the concept of momentum.

One difficulty found in this avenue of research has been a divergence between theorizing and empiricizing. In particular, some investigators (Adler, 1981) attempted to develop a theoretical view of momentum without effectively operationalizing its constructs. Others (Richardson, Adler, & Hankes, 1988; Weinberg & Jackson, 1989) produced what they considered to be empirical support for the concept without an adequate conceptualization of momentum.

The goal of the present paper is to provide a new formulation of momentum in sports that incorporates aspects of previous theoretical and empirical investigations, addresses theoretical and methodological weaknesses, and offers new directions for the study of momentum in sports.

Review of Theories on Momentum

The study of momentum as a physical, psychological, and social phenomenon can be traced back to some of our earliest thinkers including Aristotle, Galileo, and Descartes (for a historical review, see Adler, 1981). However, it was only in the early 1980's that Adler generated the first in-depth exploration of momentum as a social phenomenon (Adler, 1981). He defined momentum as: "a state of dynamic intensity marked by an elevated or depressed rate of motion, grace, and success" (p. 29). Adler further posited a model involving five essential and inter-related components: (1) focus on a specific goal; (2) motivation initiating the effort of goal attainment; (3) emotional feelings attached to motivation toward the goal; (4) increased arousal associated with the activity; and (5) enhanced performance due to the above factors.

The initial model and its subsequent application to sports was a strong step in the theoretical articulation of momentum. However, it also illustrated several areas of need for future development. First, Adler provided only a cursory discussion of how each part of the model directly affects momentum. Second, his formulation did not offer enough information to make specific predictions about the effects of each factor on momentum and performance. Third, an essential element that was not addressed was the influence of cognition on momentum. Finally, Adler underestimated the importance of physiological arousal in the generation and disruption of momentum.

Vallerand, Colavecchio, and Pelletier (1988) further advanced the delineation of momentum in offering their antecedents-consequences psychological momentum model. Their most significant contributions were in their consideration of two areas. First, they asserted that "psychological momentum refers to a perception that the actor is progressing toward his/her goal" (p. 94). Thus, the perception of the situation is critical. Second, they believed that psychological momentum is subjective and that perceptions of momentum are influenced by intrapersonal factors, such as perception of control and experience, and situational factors, such as score configuration. Most fundamentally, Vallerand and his colleagues suggested the importance of these factors with respect to their influence on certain cognitive functions, most notably, perceptions of control. However, their model also has some difficulties. As with Adler's conceptualization, the model of Vallerand et al. (1988) had elements, such as energy and synchronism, that were not easily operationalized. They also did not consider the influence of emotions and arousal on momentum.

Review of Empirical Research on Momentum

Though the evolution of models of momentum has progressed steadily during the past decade, empirical investigation has been sporadic. Furthermore, much of the research has resulted in possibly erroneous conclusions. For example, Iso-Ahola & Mobily (1980) reported that, in a racquetball tournament, first game performance was predictive of second game and match outcome performance. They concluded that the psychological momentum of winning the first game propelled these players to subsequent victory. Similar results emerged in a follow-up study (Iso-Ahola & Blanchard, 1986).

Other research using archival tennis match data at various levels of competition provided similar findings and conclusions. In particular, Weinberg and Jackson (1989) and Silva, Hardy, and Crace (1988) both demonstrated that prior performance success lead to future winning. Like Iso-Ahola and Mobily (1980), Weinberg et al. (1989) infer that psychological momentum was responsible for the results. However, Silva et al. (1988) provided what appears to be a more plausible interpretation. They indicate that all of these results may simply be due to greater ability on the part of the first game winners. In support of this position, research by Love and Knoppers (1984) and Richardson, Adler, and Hankes (1988), in which skill was controlled, indicated that momentum was not evident. Furthermore, Silva et al. (1988) suggest that psychological momentum may, in fact, be what Gilovich, Vallone, and Tversky (1985) called a "powerful and widely shared cognitive illusion" (p. 313) similar to the "hot hand" in basketball.

Only three studies to date have been based on clearly articulated theory. First, Vallerand et al. (1988) evaluated their antecedents-consequences psychological momentum model by employing hypothetical competitive tennis scenarios depicting either momentum or non-momentum situations, subjects' perceptions of momentum and its influence on performance inferences. Results indicated that score configuration exerted a strong influence on perceptions of momentum. Furthermore, score configuration, experience level, and perceptions of momentum had a significant effect on performance inferences. Miller and Weinberg (1991) produced similar findings related to situational influences on perceptions of momentum in volleyball matches. However, since both experimental situations were hypothetical, the external and ecological validity of the findings come into question. Miller and Weinberg (1991) also analyzed archival data from actual collegiate volleyball games and found no relationship between identified momentum situations and subsequent performance. Silva, Cornelius, and Finch (1992) demonstrated similar results to those of Miller and Weinberg (1991) using a novel laboratory competitive task.

The results of these three studies indicated several important implications relative to the current formulation. First, particular situational events produce a perception of momentum in a diverse sampling of individuals. Second, these perceptions of momentum do not generate a commensurate change in performance. What these two issues suggest is that, if momentum is more than a cognitive illusion, then there must be some intervening factors that influence the transmission of the perception of momentum to a change in performance. The goal of the present conceptualization is to propose what those mediating variables might be.

It has been argued in the literature that sport psychology needs to engage in more theory-driven research (Landers, 1983). As a result, it is suggested that there is a need for further exploration of the concept of momentum that: (1) provides a comprehensive model of momentum that includes a definition, causes, process, and outcomes; (2) is based on well-articulated operational constructs; and (3) can be empirically assessed for its validity. To this end, the multidimensional model of momentum is proposed.

New Conceptualization of Momentum

Providing a clear, comprehensive, and operationalizable definition of momentum has been one obstacle to prior conceptualizations. As discussed earlier, the definitions offered by Adler (1981) and Vallerand et al. (1988) are somewhat ambiguous and appear to lack precision and a clear articulation of the processes involved. It is presently suggested that the use of the term, psychological momentum, which is commonly used in the literature is inappropriate because it does not take into account the important role that emotional, physiological, behavioral, social, and environmental factors play in development of momentum.

Based on these considerations, momentum is presently defined as: A positive or negative change in cognition, affect, physiology, and behavior caused by an event or series of events that will result in a commensurate shift in performance and competitive outcome.

Multidimensional Model of Momentum

The definition proposed above provides a sound foundation for the new conceptualization of momentum. It is now necessary to fully articulate the essential components and processes associated with the development of momentum.

The present model is composed of six critical elements to the development of momentum:(a) Precipitating event or events, (b) change in cognition, affect, and physiology, (c) change in behavior, (d) change in performance consistent with the above changes, (e) a contiguous and opposing change in the previous factors on the part of the opponent (for sports with head-to-head competition), and (f) a resultant change in the immediate outcome. These occurrences are presently termed the "momentum chain."

Precipitating Event or Events

The first step in the development of momentum is the occurrence of a precipitating event or series of events (Richardson, Adler, & Hankes, 1988). The ability of an event or events to precipitate the momentum chain depends in part upon its salience, that is, its capacity to alter athletes' perceptions about their performance.

Whether the precipitating events generate changes in athletes' perceptions depends upon the individual athlete (Miller & Weinberg, 1991; Vallerand et al., 1988). That is, the same event may trigger the momentum chain for one person but not another. Potential influencing factors in this subjective perception process include competitive experience, self-efficacy, perceptions of control, and cognitive schemas and behavioral response patterns for these situations (Miller & Weinberg, 1991; Silva et al., 1992; Vallerand et al., 1988). The type of precipitating events (e.g., dramatic or gradual, directly or indirectly related to performance, environmental or social, and external or internal) may also influence the change in perception.

Change in Cognition, Physiology, and Affect

The emergence of the precipitating event may then produce changes in a variety of cognitive, affective, and physiological areas. Moreover, considerable research indicates that these changes do not occur in a linear or sequential manner; rather, they reciprocally influence each other (Bandura, 1977).

Cognition. The precipitating event may produce an alteration in several important areas of cognition. The only superordinate change that must occur following a precipitating event and precede other cognitive, affective, and physiological shifts is the recognition of the event as being a potential precipitator of momentum. Research by Miller and Weinberg (1991), Silva et al. (1992), and Vallerand et al. (1988) support this notion by demonstrating that certain competitive events and situations generate perceptions of momentum. This notion is critical because it is presently asserted that momentum will not occur without this recognition.

Vallerand et al. (1988) propose that the most important cognitive change that will emerge is the individual's perceptions of control over the competitive situation. They suggest that perceptions of control are fundamental to many aspects of human functioning including sense of self-competence (Deci, 1980; White, 1959), the interpretation of self (Kelly, 1967) and other (Jones & Davis, 1965) information. In addition, it is presently suggested that perceptions of control influence individuals' self-efficacy, motivation, emotions, and physiological changes. Another central change in cognition for momentum is self-efficacy. There is considerable evidence that individuals' belief in their ability to succeed is significantly related to subsequent success (Bandura, 1977; Feltz, Landers, & Raeder, 1979; Gould, Weiss, & Weinberg, 1981). Furthermore, self-efficacy is also associated with motivation and persistence (Bandura & Schunk, 1981). It is suggested that precipitating events act to enhance or inhibit self-efficacy. It should also be noted that these events would, in turn, create greater or lesser perceptions of control (Bandura, 1977).

Motivation is presently regarded as another cognitive/affective factor responding to the precipitating event. Furthermore, it is believed that this effect is not a direct consequence of the event. Rather, it is mediated by the precipitating event's influence on self-efficacy and perceptions of control (Bandura & Schunk, 1981). In other words, a person's level of self-efficacy and perceptions of control will dictate his or her motivation (Bandura, 1981, 1982). For example, a golfer with little self-efficacy who perceives having little control over his play will be less likely to persist during a round. In contrast, a golfer with considerable self-efficacy will be highly motivated to continue play (Bandura & Cervone, 1983; Schunk, 1984; Weinberg, Gould, & Jackson, 1979).

Attentional concerns will also be influenced by the precipitating event (Dawson, 1973; Dawson & Furedy, 1976; Nideffer, 1976). That is, the event will produce either a positive (focusing) or negative (distracting) change in attentional focus due to its salience in the athlete's attentional field. In particular, in the development of positive momentum, the precipitating event, if recognized as such, will generate a refocusing on task-relevant information. Conversely, in the formation of negative momentum, the event will cause a refocusing on task-irrelevant cues, thereby contributing to the disruption of appropriate attentional focus.

Physiology. It is apparent from the research by Miller and Weinberg (1991) and Vallerand et al. (1988) that simply having precipitating events occur or recognizing the events as generating momentum and even producing changes in various cognitions such as self-efficacy, motivation, and perceptions of control is not sufficient to produce a change in performance. As a result, other changes must occur that make the link between the perception of momentum and a change in performance.

The previous theories of momentum that have been discussed have placed limited (Adler, 1981) or no (Vallerand et al., 1988) importance on physiological arousal. Adler (1981) views it mostly as a pregame influence and does not discuss its role during the course of competition. Vallerand et al. (1988) do not include arousal in their conceptualization at all. However, it is presently suggested that this phase is the most critical in the establishment, maintenance, and disruption of momentum. Physiological arousal is a result of and an influence on the changes in cognition discussed above. A precipitating event produces changes in cognition which, in turn, generate alterations in physiological arousal (Bandura, Taylor, Williams, Mefford, & Barchas, 1985; Meichenbaum, 1977; Miller, 1980; Sarason, 1978). These changes in arousal include heart rate, respiration, and adrenaline. Conversely, physiological arousal may affect individuals' self-efficacy and motivation (Bandura, 1977), and attention (Nideffer, 1976). Furthermore, the direction and intensity of these shifts will dictate the valence of the momentum that is produced.

It is a widely held belief that individuals can not optimally perform tasks if they are not physically primed to do so (Martens, 1977; Oxendine, 1970; Yerkes-Dodson, 1908). Specifically, optimal performance requires requisite physical changes that manifest themselves in terms of increased motor coordination and strength, enhanced sensory and perceptual processing, decreased reaction time, and higher thresholds of pain (Martens, 1977). In order for positive momentum to occur, there must then be a physiological shift toward the optimal level of arousal that produces these manifestations. In contrast, for negative momentum to result, there must be a shift away from the optimal level of arousal in either direction that diminishes these manifestations.

Change in affect. The alteration in cognitions generates a change in arousal which will then produce a commensurate shift in affective experience (May & Johnson, 1973; Schacter & Singer, 1962; Schwartz, 1971). Furthermore, this change in affect will be in the direction of the newly-formed cognition. Specifically, positive cognitions will generate positive affect (e.g., happiness, pleasure) and negative cognitions will result in negative affect (e.g., anger, frustration, sadness). Several researchers (Gill & Gross, 1979; Passer & Scanlon, 1980; Scanlon & Passer, 1979) have demonstrated that positive outcomes are related to positive affect. Similarly, negative outcomes are associated with negative affect (Geen & Rakosky, 1973). Consequently, precipitating events, viewed as valenced outcomes, may produce the resultant affect as mediated by cognition (Bandura, 1986). This affect may, in turn, influence cognition in the commensurate direction (Bandura, 1977).

Change in Behavior

At this point, the intrapersonal changes (cognitive, physiological, and affective) that have been described thus far will manifest themselves behaviorally (Zajonc & Markus, 1984; Zajonc, Pietromonaco, & Bargh, 1982). In other words, alterations in observable behavior will now be evident that are consistent with the direction of the changes that have occurred earlier in the momentum chain. In particular, changes in general activity level, pace, posture, and frequency of sport-specific behaviors will be clearly identifiable.

The nature of the behavior changes that result will depend on several factors: the valence of the momentum and the current level of physiological arousal of the athlete. Due to the latter issue, it is not possible to specify the particular direction of behavior change that will emerge. For example, in the course of a positive momentum chain, one athlete with a high level of arousal would respond with a calming effect physiologically which would, in turn, produce a decrease in observable behavior. In contrast, another athlete who is under-aroused would react with a higher level of arousal which would then be manifested in an increase in relevant behaviors. A similar pattern would result from a negative momentum chain. Regardless of the direction of the change in behavior, the outcome of this phase is the same: continuation of the positive or negative momentum chain.

Change in Performance

The changes that have occurred so far will then produce a commensurate shift in performance. That is, the momentum chain that results in positive momentum will exhibit an increase in individual performance and the momentum chain that leads to negative momentum will cause a decrease in individual performance. If the sport that the individual is participating in does not involve head-to-head competition such as alpine ski racing, golf, or shooting, then the change in performance will have a similar influence on the immediate outcome of the competition. In other words, in competition that is not head-to-head, performance is equal to immediate outcome (Adler, 1981).

In addition, momentum is not considered to be a force that is always present. Rather, it is suggested that the absence of momentum is the normative condition during competition. Moreover, it is only when precipitating events occur that momentum may emerge.

Opponent Factors

The direct relationship between performance and immediate outcome may not be evident in sports involving head-to-head competition, for example, tennis, boxing, basketball. It is presently suggested that, in sports with head-to-head competition, there may be an interactive influence on competitive outcome. In order for the momentum chain which produces enhanced performance of one competitor to result in a change in immediate outcome, a contiguous and opposing momentum chain might have to occur for the opponent. In other words, for momentum to have a significant impact on competitive outcome, positive momentum would have to occur for one athlete and negative momentum would have to occur for the opposing competitor.

For example, in a tennis match, Player A makes a dramatic shot at a key point in the match. This precipitating event triggers positive momentum and increased individual performance on her part. However, the increase in Player A's performance may still not be sufficient to overcome the current level of her opponent's (Player B) play, thus no change in the immediate outcome of the match occurs. It may be that, for a change in immediate outcome to result, the precipitating event must also cause negative momentum and the coincidental decrease in performance in Player B. As presently conceptualized, only then would it be predicted that change in momentum and performance of the initial player would result in a change in the immediate outcome of the competition.

Experience and Momentum

The evidence to date examining experience as an important mediator of momentum has been equivocal. Richardson et al. (1988) and Vallerand et al. (1988) reported no difference in perceptions of momentum between individuals of differing abilities. However, the latter researchers suggest that the findings were due to the clear and unambiguous situations that subjects were asked to evaluate. In contrast, Miller and Weinberg (1991) found that skill level did discriminate perceptions of momentum.

In addition, research by Allard (Allard, Graham, & Paarsalu, 1980; Allard & Burnett, 1985) supports the relationship between experience and momentum. They indicate the reason for this difference in perception and processing may be due to more clearly defined schemas that enable more sophisticated, efficient, and rapid information processing and, subsequently, more effective cognitive strategies and behavioral responses to momentum.

This assertion is supported by non-sport research on self-schemas by Markus and her colleagues indicating that schemas enhance a wide array of cognitive processing and behavior including recall (Sweeney & Moreland, 1980) and decision-making (Markus, Crane, Bernstein, & Siladi, 1982). Schemas have also been related to expectations, attributions, and performance in competitive physical activities (Taylor & Boggiano, 1987).

These findings suggest that experienced athletes would differ from novice athletes in their ability to initiate, maintain, and interrupt momentum. In particular, they would be better able to recognize and act upon precipitating events, possess the skills necessary to regulate intrapersonal contributors to the maintenance of positive momentum (Bandura, 1986; Scheier & Carver, 1988), and mobilize their defenses against the activation of negative momentum.

Finally, Adler (1981) believed that momentum was based on the notion that an event is typically followed by a similar event. Specifically, success begets success and failure leads to failure. However, Silva et al. (1988) maintain that there are two alternative responses that might result: positive inhibition and negative facilitation. Positive inhibition refers to the process by which success produces a loss of momentum and an increase in the likelihood of failure. Similarly, negative facilitation suggests that, following failure, there will be an increase in momentum and the prior failure will enhance the probability for future success. It is presently suggested that experience will mitigate this effect. In other words, inexperienced athletes who lack the requisite schemas and skills will follow the "downward spiraling" (p. 86) trend described by Adler (1981). In addition, because they may not be accustomed to success, they will fall prey to positive inhibition.

In contrast, experienced athletes will be more likely to demonstrate an opposite pattern. That is, following success, experienced individuals will be able to maintain their success. In addition, following failure, they will be more likely to exhibit negative facilitation because they possess the necessary recognition schemas and action patterns that are required to actively counteract the negative momentum.

Avenues for Future Research

The first important step that must be taken in the investigation of momentum is to demonstrate that momentum does, in fact, exist and is not, as Gilovich et al. (1985) suggest, another "cognitive illusion". The value of the present conceptualization of momentum is that the steps in the sequence of events are open to measurement and, therefore, validation. Assessment at each stage of the operation leading to the development of momentum will enable researchers to identify and clarify the processes that are specifically involved. For example, it would be possible to measure precipitating events, changes in cognition, affect, physiology, and behavior, and shifts in performance and immediate outcome. An additional strength of the current model is that research testing it may employ physiological and behavioral assessment. Devices that assess physiological functions such as heart rate and galvanic skin response and behavioral measures such as the use of videotaped behavioral analysis may provide objective data relative to these influences on momentum.

Silva et al. (1988) suggest that future research must examine the phenomenon of momentum at a more micro level. What this line of reasoning indicates then is that the analysis of archival data as a means of measuring momentum may not be sufficiently precise for demonstrating the existence of momentum. Rather, in order for momentum to be clearly articulated, it will require theory-driven investigation at a more molecular level that examines the specific processes that produce momentum.

Initial Empirical Study

A sound program of research examining momentum will sequentially identify and demonstrate the influence of each step in the model. However, a difficulty with momentum research to date has been its inability to demonstrate that precipitating events do, in fact, result in a change in competitive performance (Miller & Weinberg, 1991; Silva et al., 1992). To this end, in order to initiate the validation process of the present model, two preliminary studies were conducted to examine the first stage of the model, that is, the presence of precipitating events during competition and their influence on immediate outcome. The study of the relationship between the first and final steps of the model was undertaken prior to the exploration of the intervening stages because, regardless of the value of the intermediary factors, their analysis would be moot if it could not be shown that precipitating events lead to changes in performance and immediate outcome.

The present studies had several goals. One aim was to identify events during the course of basketball and tennis competitions that are perceived to be precipitating events of momentum. An additional objective was to see whether the occurrence of precipitating events differed for winning as compared to losing teams and players. The final and most important goal was to demonstrate whether a shift in momentum and immediate outcome would be found on the basis of the occurrence of precipitating events during competitive play as compared to periods when these events did not occur. Based on the proposed model of momentum, the following hypotheses are forwarded: (a) Winning basketball teams and tennis players will demonstrate more positive and fewer negative precipitating events, (b) Due to the complex activation of each of the five steps along the momentum chain, only one out of five of identified precipitating events would result in a measurable change in immediate outcome (c) It is expected that winning as compared to losing teams and players will have significantly more positive precipitating events that lead to positive changes in immediate outcome and significantly fewer negative precipitating events that result in negative changes in immediate outcome, (d) There will be a significantly greater number of changes in momentum (as operationalized by changes in immediate outcome) following precipitating events than when no precipitating event has occurred.

STUDY #1

Method

Procedure

A sample of 25 tennis players of varying abilities from a Master's level psychology class completed a questionnaire asking them to list ten events that they believed would cause changes in momentum during professional tennis matches. In addition, they were asked to specify those situations in which this effect might result, for example, point in the match, who produced the event, score configuration.

The responses to this questionnaire generated 32 different precipitating events. Due to the nature of observing videotaped tennis matches, only those events that were environmental, such an ace, were used because social and internal events including crowd influence or a player getting psyched up were not clearly observable. From this group, five of the most commonly indicated events were selected based on their possession of the characteristics asserted by Adler (1981) and the present model to be associated with precipitating events: (a) Dramatic shot: drop shot, ace, overhead smash; (b) Break of serve early in set; (c) Winning game after long deuce; (d) Making an unforced error at a crucial point; (e) Not converting 15-40 or 0-40 break opportunity. These precipitating events were similar to those identified by Richardson et al. (1988).

Five matches from the quarterfinal and semifinal rounds of the 1990 Men's and Women's U.S. Open Tennis Championships were videotaped. These later round matches from the tournament were chosen in order to control for ability which, as discussed previously, may be a significant factor in discriminating momentum. A trained observer then watched each match and, using a specially designed assessment form, recorded every occurrence of the five identified precipitating events and the subsequent scoring pattern. Momentum, operationalized as a significant change in scoring or immediate outcome, was then assessed. A significant change was indicated if one of two immediate outcomes emerged: A run of three or more points or a subsequent service break in a game. These changes were based on discussions with a sample of professional players and coaches. The observer also examined game situations when a precipitating event was not evident and whether a change of immediate outcome occurred. A second independent observer then evaluated the assessments of the first observer, demonstrating their reliability (95% concordance).

Results

Across the five tennis matches, there were an average of 30.4 precipitating events per match. The most common type of precipitating event was the dramatic shot, accounting for 45.4% of those recorded followed by unforced errors (18.0%), break of service (16.0%), and not converting on a 15-40 or 0-40 break opportunity (15.0%). 66.4% of the events were positive and 33.6% were negative. The most common type of change in outcome was a three-point run (77.2%) followed by a break of service (22.8%).

A series of Chi-Square analyses was conducted to look at the relationship of precipitating events between the tennis players. Winning players experienced a significantly smaller proportion of negative precipitating events (18.7%) and a significantly greater proportion of positive precipitating events (81.3%) than losing players (68.9% and 31.1%, respectively; X2=35.80, p<.01).

When the effects of precipitating events on changes in immediate outcome were considered, similar differences emerged. Winning players had a significantly greater proportion of positive precipitating events that resulted in a positive change in immediate outcome (35.6%) than losing players (0.0%, X2=7.20, p<.01). Similarly, winning players had a significantly smaller proportion of negative precipitating events that led to a negative change in immediate outcome (15.0%) as compared to losing players (54.8%, X2=8.09, p<.01).

A change in immediate outcome occurred 33.6% of the time that a precipitating event preceded it. When no precipitating event emerged, a change in immediate outcome occurred 23.2% of the time. Though in the expected direction, this difference was not statistically significant.

STUDY #2

Method

Procedure

In order to identify potential precipitating events in basketball, a questionnaire was developed which asked a sample of individuals to list ten events that they believed would cause changes in momentum during collegiate basketball games. In addition, they were asked to specify those situations in which this effect might result, for example, time of game, who produced the event, and score configuration.

Twelve volunteers who identified themselves as recreational basketball players and who were blind to the overall purpose of the study completed the questionnaire. Analysis of their responses resulted in 30 different potential precipitating events.

From this group, four events were chosen which demonstrated the most consensus among the respondents and which were consistent with the parameters suggested by Adler (1981) and the present model: (a) Starting player must leave game for a negative reason such as injury, foul trouble, ejection, (b) Scoring run of three straight baskets by one team, (c) Time-out called by the opponent after a scoring run, and (d) Dramatic play, for example, slam dunk, three-point basket, fast break, steal leading to a basket, blocked shot, "prayer" shot at the buzzer.

Five games from the round of 16 at the 1990 NCAA Men's Basketball Championships were videotaped. Games from this tournament were chosen in order to control for ability which, as discussed previously, may be a significant factor in discriminating momentum. A trained observer then watched each game and, using a specially designed assessment form, recorded every occurrence of the four identified precipitating events and the scoring pattern during the following five minutes.

Momentum was operationalized in a manner similar to that used in the tennis study. A significant change (i.e., momentum) was indicated if the team that the precipitating event favored changed the game score in its favor by at least five points during the five minutes following the events or the team won the game in overtime. This score change was derived following extensive discussion with a sampling of collegiate basketball players and coaches. Also, the observer examined five minute segments when a precipitating event did not occur and whether there was a subsequent change in outcome. Like the tennis study, a second observer demonstrated the reliability of the first observer's assessments (97% concordance).

Results

Across the five basketball games, there were an average of 12.8 precipitating events per game. The most common type of precipitating event was the dramatic play, accounting for 43.1% of those recorded followed by a scoring run (35.2%), an important player left the game (13.7%), and a time out (7.8%). 78.4% were positive and 21.6% were negative events.

A series of Chi-Square analyses were conducted in order to examine the relationship between precipitating events and changes in immediate outcome relative to winning vs. losing teams. An initial analysis indicated no significant differences between winning and losing teams in terms of the proportion of positive and negative precipitating events that occurred.

However, a near-significant change emerged (X2=3.37, p<.07) when the presence or absence of change in immediate outcome was included. Specifically, winning teams had a near-significantly greater proportion of positive precipitating events that led to positive changes in immediate outcome (36.4%) than losing teams (11.1%). A change in immediate outcome occurred significantly more often in the presence of a precipitating event than in its absence (22.0 vs. 0.0%, respectively; X2=4.57, p<.04).

Discussion

The purpose of the two studies was to initiate exploration of the value of the multidimensional model of momentum in sports. The specific objective was to examine the first stage of the model: precipitating events and their relationships to changes in immediate outcome. This goal was accomplished by investigating whether there were significantly greater number of changes in operationalized momentum following precipitating events than when no precipitating event had occurred.

In general, the findings of the two studies provide some support for the experimental hypotheses. Evidence for the first hypothesis was mixed. Winning and losing basketball teams did not differ significantly in the number of positive and negative precipitating events they experienced. In contrast, winning tennis players exhibited significantly more positive precipitating events and fewer negative precipitating events than losing players.

The second hypothesis suggested that, due to the complexity of the momentum chain, the occurrence of a precipitating event would not necessarily produce a commensurate shift in immediate outcome. Specifically, in order for momentum to occur, each athlete or team would have to go through an intricate series of cognitive, affective, physiological, and behavioral changes, and that the precipitating event is a necessary, but not always sufficient, catalyst for completion of the momentum chain. As predicted, in both studies, only a proportion of the precipitating events resulted in a change in immediate outcome.

The third hypothesis indicated that winning teams and players would have more positive precipitating events that lead to positive changes in immediate outcome and fewer negative precipitating events that would result in negative changes in immediate outcome. The present findings were somewhat supportive of this assertion. Significant differences were found between winning and losing tennis players for both valences of precipitating events. These findings indicate that not only do winning players produce more positive precipitating events and fewer negative precipitating events, they are also better able to successfully act on the former and restrict the latter.

In the case of basketball, a near significant difference emerged between winning and losing teams for positive precipitating events. These findings indicate that, though winning and losing teams generated a near equal number of precipitating events, the winning teams were more likely to complete the positive momentum chain and produce a positive change in immediate outcome.

These results are consistent with the proposed model with respect to completing the momentum chain for teams as compared to individuals. In particular, the magnitude of the relationship between precipitating events and changes in immediate outcome were greater for tennis than for basketball. In support of this aspect of the model, for singles tennis, a precipitating event must only activate the momentum chain of an individual player. In contrast, for basketball, the precipitating event would be required to catalyze the momentum chain of five players with potentially different cognitive, physiological, affective, and behavioral response thresholds simultaneously. As a consequence, it would be expected that it would be significantly more difficult for a team to complete the momentum chain than an individual player.

Finally, the fourth hypothesis, the one most critical to the model, asserts that there will be a significantly greater number of changes in immediate outcome following precipitating events than when no precipitating event occurred. This hypothesis was tested in order to rule out the possibility that the relationship between precipitating events and immediate outcome was due to chance. The present results offer supportive, though not conclusive, support for this position. As predicted, for basketball, changes in immediate outcome only emerged following a precipitating event. This robust finding suggests that, in basketball, a precipitating event may be necessary for a change in immediate outcome to occur.

The results were not so decisive in tennis. It was found that, though there was a noticeable difference between the presence and absence of precipitating events and the emergence of changes in immediate outcome, the difference was not statistically significant. In fact, even without a precipitating event, changes in outcome still occurred more than one-fifth of the time. Though there is no way to offer any decisive explanations for this findings, several potential perspectives may be considered.

First, it may be that precipitating events occurred that were not measured. Due to the nature of videotaped assessment, it was only possible to identify observable precipitating events. Intrapersonal or social precipitating events may have occurred, but were not assessed. Second, there may have been an accretion effect of earlier precipitating events. That is, a sufficient number of previous precipitating events may have accumulated to finally activate the momentum chain and produce a change in immediate outcome. Third, the lack of significant differences may have been due to chance, thus confirming the assertions of Gilovich et al. (1985) and Silva et al. (1988).

The divergent findings between an individual and team sport is surprising in light of our earlier statement that momentum would be less likely to occur in a team sport because complex activation of the momentum chain would be required for all five players on the team rather for just one tennis player. The reasons for this disparity are unclear. It may be that, in team sports, aspects of the momentum chain become "contagious", thus spreading from player to player and facilitating the progress of the momentum chain. It may also be that, with five players, a precipitating event is more likely to be recognized and the momentum chain initiated. The divergence may also be due to methodological concerns. For example, the operationalization of momentum for the two sports may not be equivalent. These suppositions are entirely speculative and additional research examining this particular issue is necessary before any substantive position is taken.

Directions for Future Research

Though the two studies have provided the first supportive, though not conclusive, evidence of the relationship between precipitating events and competitive outcome, further study is needed to confirm this initial support. Additionally, it is necessary to begin the process of examining each step of the momentum chain.

The research to date examining cognitions related to momentum has utilized hypothetical or contrived scenarios rather than naturally occurring competitive sport situations. In order to effectively study these cognitions (and related emotions), it will be necessary to assess them during the course of actual competitions. Two possible means of accomplishing this are suggested. The most direct way would be to wire athletes with microphones and have them verbalize their thoughts and emotions as they occur. This methodology, however, is clearly intrusive and might artificially interfere with the spontaneous flow of the competition and the generation of momentum-related cognitions and emotions. Another approach would be to videotape the athletes, have them view themselves following the competition, and ask them to recount post hoc their cognitions and emotions at critical points during the competition.

As mentioned above, this model is amenable to physiological measurement. The use of portable heart rate and galvanic skin response monitors would allow for objective assessment of physiological changes as they occur during competition. These changes could then be correlated with the presence of precipitating events.

Behavioral changes that are related to the occurrence of precipitating events could be obtained through videotape analysis of athletes. Baseline types and frequencies of behavior could be established and then compared with behavior changes that might emerge following precipitating events.

Finally, the interactive effects of head-to-head competition on momentum could be examined by using the above methodologies simultaneously with competing athletes. A similar approach could be used to study how momentum is influenced by team vs. individual sports.

Conclusion

The goal of the present paper was to provide a new conceptualization of momentum in sports. The proposed model clearly articulates the necessary sequence of events that must occur in order for momentum to result. In addition to the presentation of the model, this work offered an initial investigation of its value. The findings of the two studies examining the first stage of the model, that is, the relationship between precipitating events and changes in immediate outcome, provided partial evidence in support of the model. As demonstrated above, one of the strengths of the model is that each of its stages is operationalizable and empirically verifiable. The next step in the investigation of the model will be to examine how each intermediary step of the model influences the relationship between the precipitating event and changes in immediate outcome. As a consequence, it is hoped that this model will generate interest for further study of the concept of momentum.

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A CONCEPTUAL MODEL OF ADAPTATION

TO RETIREMENT AMONG ATHLETES

Jim Taylor & Bruce Ogilvie

Abstract

The purpose of this article is to provide a new conceptualization of athletic retirement that incorporates prior considerations within and outside the sports domain. Drawing on previous theoretical work both within and outside of sport and current empirical research in the area, the present conceptualization offers a five-step model that examines adaptation to athletic retirement through its entire developmental course: (1) identify the causal factors that initiate the retirement process; (2) specify the factors related to adaptation to retirement; (3) describe the available resources that will affect the response to retirement; (4) indicate the quality of the adaptation to retirement; and (5) discuss the treatment issues for distressful reactions to retirement.

A Conceptual Model of Adaptation

to Retirement Among Athletes

Over the past two decades, considerable interest has been directed toward the issue of retirement among athletes. In the popular literature, numerous accounts have been written chronicling the experiences athletes have had adjusting to life after sports. These anecdotal depictions typically focus on professional athletes (Hoffer, 1990; Putnam, 1991) and usually recount the trauma suffered by professional athletes in their post-athletic lives (Alfano, 1982; Bradley, 1976; Kahn, 1972; Morrow, 1978; Plimpton, 1977). However, there have been some accounts of successful retirement experiences as well (Batten, 1979; White, 1974).

Taken as a whole, these writings indicate that retirement is a significant and widespread problem for athletes today. However, the veracity of these impressions remains in question due the lack of scientific rigor in these explorations.

In response to the growing concern at the popular level, there has been increasing interest in the area of athletic retirement among sport psychologists and other professionals. The first writings on this topic were primarily speculative in nature and based on impressions gained by professionals who have dealt with retirement issues as part of their work with world-class amateur and professional athletes (Broom, 1982; Botterill, 1982; McPherson, 1980; Ogilvie & Howe, 1982; Werthner & Orlick, 1982). This literature, though still lacking precision, formed the basis for further, more rigorous investigations into retirement.

As will be discussed shortly, there has been a small, but steady output of research examining retirement of athletes at a variety of levels of sport (e.g., Greendorfer & Blinde, 1985; Mihovilovic, 1968; Weinberg & Arond, 1952). In addition, there have been a few attempts to develop conceptual models on athlete retirement (Lerch, 1982; Rosenberg, 1982), but they have met with little success (Blinde & Greendorfer, 1985; Greendorfer & Blinde, 1985).

A significant difficulty with much of the research to date in this area is a divergence between conceptual and empirical development. That is, conceptual formulations were drawn from outside of sport and applied to athletic retirement without considering findings already reported in the sports literature on retirement.

Based on these notions, there appears to be a need for a new conceptualization specific to sports that incorporates previous theoretical and conceptual explanations and also draws on prior empirical findings within and outside of sport. Recently, Baille and Danish (1992) presented a discussion of athletic retirement in which they addressed some of the factors that were relevant to the study of retirement and provided a review of these areas. Their The article provides a nice springboard for the current conceptualization which adds to the extant literature by offering a model that: (1) discusses in greater detail some of the issues introduced by Baille and Danish; (2) raises new and important issues that contribute to our growing understanding of athlete retirement; (3) presents the entire course of athlete retirement; and (4) offers avenues for future research in the area. In addition, the model attempts to be parsimonious, conceptually precise, and operationalizable in order to allow for the empirical assessment of the value of its components.

In order to provide perspective and a foundation for the development of this new conceptualization, it will be useful to, first, review past theories of retirement then, develop the model within the context of a discussion of the major areas of concern in retirement and a review of the relevant literature.

Theoretical Perspectives on Retirement

In the past 20 years, there have been efforts to delineate the athletic retirement process. Initial investigators drew upon related work on retirement outside of sports (Hill & Lowe, 1974; Lerch, 1982; Rosenberg, 1982). However, most of these endeavors were exploratory and descriptive in nature and focused on crises in retirement rather than on its developmental course.

Thanatology. Rosenberg (1982) suggests that retirement from sports is akin to social death. This concept focuses on how members of a group treat an individual who has recently left the group. Social death is characterized as social isolation and rejection from the former in-group. This explanation has received support from anecdotal and fictitious accounts of athletes who have experienced similar reactions upon retirement (Bouton, 1970; Deford, 1981; Kahn, 1972). However, the concept of social death has also received considerable criticism and empirical evidence for this position has been equivocal at best (Blinde & Greendorfer, 1985; Blinde & Stratta, 1992; Lerch, 1982).

Social gerontology. This perspective emphasizes aging and considers life satisfaction as being dependent upon characteristics of the sports experience. Four social gerontological views have been suggested to be most applicable to sports retirement (Greendorfer & Blinde, 1985; Rosenberg, 1981).

Disengagement theory (Cummings, Dean, Newell, & McCaffrey, 1960) states that the person and society withdraw for the good of both, enabling younger people to enter the work force and for the retired individuals to enjoy their remaining years. Activity theory (Havighurst & Albrecht, 1953) suggests that lost roles are replaced by new ones, so that people may maintain their overall level of activity. Continuity theory (Atchley, 1980) posits that, if people have different roles, the time and energy from the prior role may be re-allocated to the remaining roles. Finally, social breakdown theory (Kuypers & Bengston, 1973) proposes that retirement becomes associated with negative evaluation, which causes individuals to withdraw from the activity and internalize the negative evaluation.

Despite the intuitive appeal of the social gerontology perspectives, they have been criticized as inadequate when applied to athletic retirement. Specifically, research by Greendorfer and Blinde (1985), Lerch (1982), and Arviko (1976) provides little support for any of the social gerontological theories.

Retirement as transition. A criticism of both thanatology and social gerontology views is that they consider retirement as a singular, abrupt event (Blinde & Greendorfer, 1985). In contrast, other researchers characterize retirement as a transition or process which involves development through life rather than a discrete event (Carp, 1972; Taylor, 1972). Greendorfer and Blinde (1985) assert that the emphasis from this perspective is on the continuation rather than cessation of behaviors, the gradual alteration rather than relinquishment of goals and interests, and the emergence of few difficulties in adjustment. Data collected from former collegiate athletes supports their view of retirement as transition (Blinde & Greendorfer, 1985; Greendorfer & Blinde, 1985).

In response to this position, several theorists have proposed models of retirement applied to athletic populations. Hill and Lowe (1974) applied Sussman's (1971) analytic model of the sociological study of retirement to sport which stressed the roles that personal, social, and environmental factors have in the retirement process. Schlossberg (1981) offered a similar model that emphasized athletes' perceptions of the transition, characteristics of the pre- and post-transition environments, and the attributes of the individuals in their roles in the adaptation to the transition. Both Hopson and Adams (1977) and Kubler-Ross (1969) offers models that delineate the stages that individuals go through following retirement focusing on the emotional implications of retirement.

These perspectives provide a sound foundation for investigation into the area, but possess limitations that indicate the need for further conceptual development. For example, the models proposed by Sussman (1971) and Schlossberg (1981) lack operationalized detail of specific components. Also, neither Hopson and Adams (1977) and Kubler-Ross (1969) indicates what factors lead to the traumatic responses or what enables individuals to progress through the respective stages to reach closure.

Conceptual Model of Athletic Retirement

The goal of the present conceptualization is to provide a detailed and comprehensive model that addresses the entire course of the athletic retirement process. This goal will be accomplished by incorporating aspects of previous theories and the findings of the empirical studies to date. Each relevant component of the steps of the model will be discussed in detail with respect to critical issues and their theoretical and empirical foundation.

Step 1: Causes of Retirement Among Athletes

The causes of termination of an athletic career are found most frequently to be a function of four factors: Chronological age, deselection, the effects of injury, and free choice.

Chronological age. Age, or more specifically, the decline in performance due to advancing age, is typically considered to be a primary cause of retirement. Anecdotal accounts of former elite athletes underscore the importance of age in retirement (Kahn, 1972; Kramer, 1969). Empirical research has also demonstrated that a substantial proportion of elite amateur and professional male and female athletes retire because of decreased performance associated with age (Allison & Meyer, 1988; Mihovilovic, 1968; Svoboda & Vanek, 1982; Weinberg & Arond, 1952).

The age of the athletes as contributors to retirement have physiological, psychological, and social implications. Perhaps the most significant is the physiological influence of age. In particular, athletes' ability to compete at the elite level is largely a function of maintaining their physical capabilities at a competitive level. Unfortunately, a natural part of the maturation process is the slow deterioration of these attributes (Fisher & Conlee, 1979). Some aspects of this process may be slowed through intensive physical conditioning, experience, and motivation (Mihovilovic, 1968; Svoboda & Vanek, 1982). However, others, such as the ability to execute fine motor skills or changes in body composition, are not considered to be remediable.

Age also has psychological components in its influence on retirement. In particular, as suggested by the findings of Werthner and Orlick (1986), as athletes become older, they may lose their motivation to train and compete, and they may conclude that they have reached their competitive goals. In addition, as the athletes mature, their values may change. Svoboda and Vanek (1982) found that the values of Czechoslovakian world-class athletes shifted their priorities away from a self-focus involving winning and traveling toward an other-focus with an emphasis on family and friends.

Finally, age possesses a social element. In every sport, "aging" athletes are typically devalued by fans, management, media, and other athletes. This loss of status further contributes to the difficulties that may arise in the retirement process.

Deselection. Related to the physiological consequences of age, one of the most significant contributors to the incidence of difficulties in the retirement of athletes is the harsh deselection process that occurs at every level of competitive sports (Svoboda & Vanek, 1982). Sports rely on the Darwinian philosophy of "survival of the fittest" that places great value on the individuals who survive, but pays little attention to those who are deselected (Ogilvie & Howe, 1982).

The deselection process is clearly illustrated with statistics indicating the reality of attrition factors that operate within the competitive sports world. For example, it is estimated that 5% of high school baseball and football players received university scholarships and, of these, only 1% have an opportunity to play professionally. Moreover, the typical career length of a professional football, basketball, and baseball player is only 4-5 years (Ogilvie & Howe, 1982, 1986).

Injury. A variety of writers have suggested that injuries may result in serious distress manifested in depression, substance abuse, and suicidal ideation and attempts (Ogilvie & Howe, 1982; Werthner & Orlick, 1986). Furthermore, it is believed that career-ending injuries may cause athletes to experience identity crises (Elkin, 1981), social withdrawal, fear, anxiety, and loss of self-esteem (Rotella & Heyman, 1984). Additionally, research has shown that injuries are a significant cause of retirement for 14-32% of the athletes examined (Allison & Meyer, 1988; Hare, 1971; Mihovilovic, 1968; Svoboda & Vanek, 1982; Weinberg & Arond, 1952; Werthner & Orlick, 1986).

Free choice. An often neglected cause of retirement is that of the free choice of the athlete (Blinde & Greendorfer, 1985; Coakley, 1983). The impetus to end a career freely is certainly the most desirable of the causal factors. On a personal level, athletes might wish to assume a new direction in life (Werthner & Orlick, 1986), seek out new challenges and sources of satisfaction in other areas of life, or have a change in values (Greendorfer & Blinde, 1986; Svoboda & Vanek, 1982). Socially, athletes may want to spend more time with family and friends, or immerse themselves in a new social milieu (Svoboda & Vanek, 1982). In terms of the sport itself, athletes might simply find that sports participation no longer provides the enjoyment and fulfillment that it once did (Werthner & Orlick, 1986). Empirical evidence has demonstrated that free choice is one cause of retirement among elite-amateur and professional athletes (Mihovilovic, 1968; Werthner & Orlick, 1986).

Other causes of athletic retirement. In addition to the causes discussed above, which have been found to be the predominant reasons for athletic retirement, other factors have been either suggested or reported to also contribute to retirement. These causes include family reasons (Mihovilovic, 1968), problems with coaches or the sports organization (Mihovilovic, 1968; Werthner & Orlick, 1986), and financial difficulties (Werthner & Orlick, 1986).

Step 2: Factors Related to Adaptation to Retirement

Athletes, when faced with the end of their careers, are confronted by a wide range of psychological, social, financial, and occupational changes. The extent of these changes and the athletes' perceptions about those changes will dictate the quality of the adaptation they experience as a function of their retirement.

Developmental contributors. The presence and quality of the factors related to adaptation to retirement will depend in large measure on developmental experiences that occurred since the inception of their athletic careers. The nature of these experiences will contribute to the emergence of self-perceptions and interpersonal skills that will influence the nature of the athletes' adaptation to retirement.

The often single-minded pursuit of excellence that accompanies elite sports participation has potential psychological and social dangers. The personal investment in and the pursuit of elite athletic success, though a worthy goal, may lead to a restricted development. Though there is substantial evidence demonstrating the debilitating effects of deselection upon self-esteem among young athletes (Scanlan, 1984; Smith, Smoll, & Curtis, 1979), little consideration has been given to changing this process in a healthier direction. Most organized youth programs still appear to place the highest priority on winning.

It is important that the indoctrination of a more holistic approach to sports development begins early in the life of the athlete (Pearson & Petitpas, 1990). This perspective relies on a primary prevention model that emphasizes preventing problems prior to their occurrence (Conyne, 1987; Cowen, 1983). The first step in the prevention process is to engender in parents and coaches involved in youth sport a belief that long-term personal and social development is more important than short-term athletic success (Ogilvie, 1987).

It has been further argued that high school and college athletic programs restrict opportunities for personal and social growth such as the development of self and social identities, social roles and behaviors, and social support systems (Remer, Tongate, & Watson, 1978; Schafer, 1971). Early intervention in these areas will decrease the likelihood that the factors related to the quality of the adaptation in retirement will contribute to distress due to retirement later in their lives.

Self-identity. Most fundamental of the psychological issues that influence adaptation to retirement is the degree to which athletes define their self-worth in terms of their participation and achievement in sports (Blinde & Greendorfer, 1985; Ogilvie & Howe, 1982; Svoboda & Vanek, 1982). Athletes who have been immersed in their sport to the exclusion of other activities will have a self-identity that is composed almost exclusively of their sports involvement (McPherson, 1980). Without the input from their sport, these athletes have little to support their sense of self-worth (Pearson & Petitpas, 1990).

Athletes who are disproportionately invested in their sports participation may be characterized as "unidimensional" people, in which their self-concept does not extend beyond the limits of their sport (Coakley, 1983; Ogilvie & Howe, 1982). These athletes often have provided themselves with few options in which they can invest their ego in other activities that can bring them similar ego-gratification (McPherson, 1980).

Athletes in this situation typically experience retirement as something very important that is lost and can never be recovered (Werthner & Orlick, 1986). The finality of the loss seems impossible to bear and herein lies a significant threat to healthy adaptation to athletic retirement.

Perceptions of control. Another significant contributor to the quality of the adaptation is the degree of perceived control that the athletes have with respect to the end of their careers (Blinde & Stratta, 1992; McPherson, 1980). Consideration of the four primary causes of athletic retirement discussed above, that is, age, deselection, injury, and free choice, indicates that the former three are predominantly outside the control of the individual athlete. As a result, this absence of control related to an event so intrinsically connected to athletes' self-identities may create a situation that is highly aversive and threatening (Blinde & Greendorfer, 1985; Szinovacz, 1987).

Research examining Olympic-caliber and professional athletes has indicated that the causes of retirement for many athletes were beyond their control (Mihovilovic, 1968) and that they experienced a decrease in their sense of personal control following retirement (Svoboda & Vanek, 1982; Werthner & Orlick, 1986).

Though this issue has not been addressed extensively in the sports literature, there is considerable research from the areas of clinical, social, and physiological psychology that demonstrates that perceptions of control are related to many areas of human functioning including sense of self-competence (White, 1959), the interpretation of self (Kelly, 1967) and other (Jones & Davis, 1965) information. In addition, perceptions of control may influence individuals' feelings of helplessness (Friedlander, 1984-85), motivation (Wood & Bandura, 1989), physiological changes (Tache & Selye, 1985) and self-confidence (Bandura & Adams, 1977). Also, control has been associated with a variety of pathologies including depression (Alloy & Abramson, 1982), anxiety (Garfield & Bergin, 1978), substance abuse (Shiffman, 1982), and dissociative disorders (Putnam, 1989).

Social identity. It has been argued that the diversity of an athlete's social identity will affect the quality of the adaptation to retirement (Gorbett, 1985). Researchers have associated retirement with a loss of status and social identity (Pollack, 1956; Tuckman & Lorge, 1953). McPherson (1980) suggests that many athletes define themselves in terms of their popular status, though this recognition is typically short-lived. As a result, retired athletes may question their self-worth and feel the need to regain the lost public esteem.

In addition, athletes whose socialization process occurred primarily in the sports environment may be characterized as "role restricted" (Ogilvie & Howe, 1986). That is, these athletes have only learned to assume certain social roles specific to the athletic setting and are only able to interact with others within the narrow context of sports. As a result, their ability to assume other roles following retirement is severely inhibited (Blinde & Greendorfer, 1985). Studies by Arviko (1976), Haerle (1975), and Mihovilovic (1968), and Werthner and Orlick (1986) all indicate that athletes with a broad-based social identity that includes family, friendship, educational, and occupational components demonstrated better adaptation following retirement.

Tertiary contributing factors. In addition to the above intrapersonal factors, there are personal, social, and environmental variables that may influence athletes' adaptation to retirement. These factors may be viewed as potential stressors whose presence will likely exacerbate the primary adaptive factors just discussed (Coakley, 1983).

It has been suggested that socioeconomic status will influence the adaptation process (Hare, 1971; Weinberg & Arond, 1952). Athletes who are financially dependent on their sports participation and possess few skills to earn a living outside of sport or have limited financial resources to fall back on will likely perceive retirement as more threatening and may, as a result, evidence distress (Lerch, 1981; McPherson, 1980; Werthner & Orlick, 1986).

It has also been argued that minority status (Blinde & Greendorfer, 1985; Hill & Lowe, 1974) and gender (Coakley, 1983) will affect the adaptation process due to what are perceived as fewer post-athletic career opportunities (Hill & Lowe, 1974; Haerle, 1975). These factors are likely to be most significant when interacting with socioeconomic status and pre-retirement planning (Weinberg & Arond, 1952). The health of athletes at the time of retirement will further contribute the quality of the adaptation (Gorbett, 1985; Hill & Lowe, 1974). Athletes with chronic disabilities incurred during athletic careers may, as a result of the injuries, have limited choices in their post-athletic careers. Also, marital status, as an aspect of social support, will influence the adaptation process (Svoboda & Vanek, 1982). Athlete characteristics including age, years competing, and level of attainment will further contribute to adaptation in the retirement process.

Coakley (1983) concludes his discussion of these issues by suggesting that many of these factors may be related to retirement difficulties, but may not be their causes. He further asserts that these are problems faced by any retiring persons with similar backgrounds and that sports is simply the setting in which the difficulties occur.

Step 3: Available Resources for Retirement Adaptation

Athletes' adaptation to retirement depends largely on the resources that they have available to surmount the difficulties that arise. Two factors that have been found to influence people's ability to respond effectively to these problems include coping skills (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984; Meichenbaum, 1977) and social support (Cohen & Wills, 1985; Sarason & Sarason, 1986; Smith, 1985). In addition, research indicates that another valuable resource, pre-retirement planning, may significantly influence adaptation to retirement (Coakley, 1983; Hill & Lowe, 1974; Pearson & Petitpas, 1990).

Coping skills. During the course of retirement, athletes are faced with dramatic changes in their personal, social, and occupational lives. These changes will affect athletes cognitively, emotionally, and behaviorally. The quality of the adaptation to retirement experienced by athletes will depend largely on the manner in which they address these changes. The availability of effective coping skills may facilitate this process and reduce the likelihood of difficulties.

At a cognitive level, retiring athletes must alter their perceptions related to the adaptation process, specifically with respect to self-identity, perceptions of control, and social identity (Bandura, 1977; R.S. Lazarus, 1975). In particular, athletes may use cognitive restructuring (A. Lazarus, 1972) and mental imagery (Smith, 1980) to re-orient their thinking in a more positive direction, self-instructional training (Meichenbaum, 1977) to improve attention and problem-solving, and goal-setting to provide direction and motivation in their post-athletic careers (Bruning & Frew, 1987). These techniques have been used successfully to enhance adaptation in a variety of populations and activities (Labouvie-Vief & Gonda, 1976; Meichenbaum & Cameron, 1973; Moleski & Tosi, 1976; Trexler & Karst, 1972).

Similarly, relevant techniques could be used for emotional/physiological stressors. Specifically, retiring athletes could employ anger and anxiety strategies such as time-out (Browning, 1983), relaxation training (Bruning & Frew, 1987; Delman & Johnson, 1976; May, House, & Kovacs, 1982), and health (Savery, 1986), and exercise and nutritional counselling (Bruning & Frew, 1987) to alleviate these difficulties.

Finally, a regimen of behavior modification could deal with overt manifestations of distress associated with retirement. Techniques such as assertiveness training (Lange & Jakubowski, 1976), time management training (Bruning & Frew, 1987; King, Winett, & Lovett, 1986), and skills assessment and development (Bruning & Frew, 1987; Taylor, 1987a) could be effective in overcoming behavioral difficulties caused by retirement.

Social support. Due to athletes' total psychological and social immersion in the sports world, the vast majority of their friends, acquaintances, and other associations are found in the sports environment and their social activities revolve primarily around their athletic life (Botterill, 1990; Svoboda & Vanek, 1982). Thus, athletes' primary social support system will often be derived from their athletic involvement (Coakley, 1983; Rosenfeld, Richman, & Hardy, 1989).

When the athletes' careers end, they are no longer an integral part of the team or organization. As a consequence, the social support that they received previously may no longer be present. Moreover, due to their restricted social identity and the absence of alternative social support systems, they may become isolated, lonely, and unsustained socially, thus leading to significant distress (Blinde & Greendorfer, 1985; McPherson, 1980; Remer, Tongate, & Watson, 1978).

Research by Mihovilovic (1968), Reynolds (1981), and Werthner and Orlick (1986) indicate that athletes who received considerable support from family and friends had an easier transition and those who had the most difficulties indicated that they felt alone as their careers ended and expressed the desire for support during that period. Additionally, other researchers (Gorbett, 1985; Svoboda & Vanek, 1982) suggest that athletes also need institutional support during the retirement process, best provided through pre-retirement counselling programs (Manion, 1976; Schlossberg, 1981).

Pre-retirement planning. Of the available resources that are being discussed, pre-retirement planning appears to have the broadest influence on the quality of the adaptation to retirement (Schlossberg, 1981). Pre-retirement planning may include a variety of activities including continuing education, occupational and investment endeavors, and social networking. As a result, pre-retirement planning may significantly affect most of the factors previously discussed that are related to the adaptation process. For example, pre-retirement planning would broaden an athlete's self-identity, enhance perceptions of control, and diversify his or her social identity. As for the tertiary factors, socioeconomic status, financial dependency on the sport, and post-athletic occupational potential would all be positively influenced. Substantial research involving both elite-amateur and professional athletes supports of this position (Arviko, 1976; Haerle, 1975; Lerch, 1981).

Despite these benefits, a common theme that emerges from the literature on retirement outside of sports is the resistance on the part of individuals to plan for their lives after the end of their careers (Avery & Jablin, 1988; Chartrand & Lent, 1987; Rowen & Wilks, 1987; Thorn, 1983). Yet, it is likely that this denial of the inevitable will have serious, potentially negative, and long-term implications for the athletes. A wide range of difficulties have been reported due to athletes' resistance to pre-retirement planning (Hare, 1971; Svoboda & Vanek, 1982; Weinberg & Arond, 1952; Werthner & Orlick, 1986).

Structured pre-retirement planning that involves reading materials and workshops (Kaminski da Rosa, 1985; Manion, 1976; Thorn, 1983; USOC, 1988) are valuable opportunities for athletes to plan for and work toward meaningful lives following retirement. In addition, effective money management and long-term financial planning will provide athletes with financial stability following the conclusion of their careers (Hill & Lowe, 1974).

The incorporation of pre-retirement planning is becoming increasingly a part of collegiate (Brooks, Etzel, & Ostrow, 1987), elite-amateur (Gould, Tammen, Murphy, & May, 1989; Murphy, Abbot, Hillard, Petitpas, Danish, & Holloway, 1989; Petitpas, Danish, McKelvain, & Murphy, 1990; USOC, 1988) and professional (Dorfman, 1990; Ogilvie & Howe, 1982) organizations. Unfortunately, there has been no empirical exploration of the extent to which these services have been used by the elite athletes or how effective they are with athletic populations.

Step 4: Quality of Adaptation to Athletic Retirement

Based on the present model to this point, it may be concluded that retirement from sports will not necessarily cause a distressful reaction on the part of athletes (Coakley, 1983; Greendorfer & Blinde, 1985). Rather, the quality of adaptation to retirement by athletes will depend upon the previous steps of the retirement process. It is at the present juncture that the athlete's reaction to retirement will become evident. There are a variety of psychological, social, and environmental factors that will determine the nature of the response. Specifically, the presence or absence of the contributing variables described in the early steps of the model will dictate whether the athlete undergoes a healthy transition following retirement or experiences distress in response to end of the competitive career.

Despite the extensive literature on the issue of retirement, there is still considerable debate about the proportion of athletes who experience distress due to retirement and how the distress is manifested. Some researchers argue that there is little evidence to indicate that athletic retirement is typically traumatic particularly for scholastic and collegiate athletes (Blinde & Greendorfer, 1985; Coakley, 1983; Greendorfer & Blinde, 1985). In fact, substantial research has found little evidence of distress due to retirement among scholastic and collegiate athletes ((Curtis & Ennis, 1988; Greendorfer & Blinde, 1985; Otto & Alwin, 1977; Phillips & Schafer, 1971); Sands, 1978). This may be due to the fact that the completion of high school and college athletic careers as dictated by eligibility restrictions may be seen as a natural part of the transition to entering college or the work force, respectively (Coakley, 1983).

At the same time, another group of researchers examining elite-amateur and professional athletes have developed an opposing view. They assert that retirement may cause distress that manifests itself in a wide variety of dysfunctional ways. Empirical study by Arviko (1976), Hallden (1965), Mihovilovic (1968), and Weinberg and Arond (1952) reported incidences of alcohol and drug abuse, participation in criminal activities, and significant anxiety, acute depression, and other emotional problems following retirement. The emergence of trauma among elite-amateur and professional athletes is likely due to the significantly greater life investment in their sports and the potential sacrifices that must be made.

Step 5: Intervention for Athletic Retirement Difficulties

The phenomenon of difficulties in athletic retirement from sports can be best understood as a complex interaction of stressors. Whether the stressors are physical, psychological, social, educational, occupational, or financial, their effects on athletes may produce some form of distress when athletes are confronted with retirement. Though trauma appears to be present most often for elite-amateur and professional athletes, appropriate intervention would decrease the risk that athletes at any level will experience distress following retirement.

Unfortunately, as discussed earlier, there are significant organizational obstacles to the proper treatment of athletic retirement difficulties. In particular, the limited participation of the sport psychologist at the elite level, where problems are most likely to occur, inhibits their ability to provide for the retirement needs of athletes. Also, the team psychologist typically associated with national governing bodies, collegiate teams, or professional organizations rarely had the opportunity to develop an extended relationship with team members. This limited contact rarely presents an opportunity for the sport psychologist and athletes to discuss issues related to retirement. Also, since retired athletes are no longer a part of a sports organization, treatment of the athletes may no longer be within the purview of the organization's psychologist.

Treatment of Retirement Difficulties.

The strategies described in previous steps may be effective means of reducing the likelihood of athletes experiencing distress in the retirement process. However, the potential for trauma stills exists and its occurrence requires an active approach to addressing the difficulties that arise.

The treatment of distress related to athletic retirement may occur at a variety of levels. As discussed previously, the changes that result from retirement may detrimentally impact a person psychologically, emotionally, behaviorally, and socially. As a consequence, it is necessary for the sport psychologist to address each of these areas in the treatment process.

Perhaps the most important task in the termination process is to assist athletes in maintaining their sense of self-worth while establishing a new self-identity. The goal of this process is to adapt their perceptions about themselves and their world to their new roles in a way that will be maximally functional. The sport psychologist may assist them in identifying desirable non-sport identities and experiencing feelings of value and self-worth in this new personal conception.

Also, sport psychologists may aid athletes in working through any emotional distress they may experience during retirement (Kubler-Ross, 1969). Specifically, they may provide the athletes with the opportunity to express feelings of doubt, concern, or frustration relative to the end of their careers (Gorbett, 1985).

On a manifest level, the sport psychologist may help the athletes cope with the stress of the termination process (Gorbett, 1985). Traditional therapeutic strategies such as cognitive restructuring (Garfield & Bergin, 1978), stress management (Meichenbaum & Jaremko, 1983), and emotional expression (Yalom, 1980) may be used in this process.

Finally, the professional may help the athletes at a social level. This goal may be accomplished by having athletes explore ways of broadening their social identity and role repertoire (Ogilvie & Howe, 1982). Additionally, athletes may be encouraged to expand their social support system to individuals and groups outside of the sports arena. The use of group therapy and the articulation of the athletes' potential social networks may be especially useful in aiding them in this process. Wolff and Lester (1989) propose a three-stage therapeutic process comprised of listening/confrontation, cognitive therapy, and vocational guidance to aid athletes in coping with their loss of self-identity and assist them in establishing a new identity.

There has been little empirical research examining the significant factors in this process. Outside of sport, Roskin (1982) found that the implementation of a package of cognitive, affective, and social support interventions within didactic and small-group settings significantly reduced depression and anxiety among a high-stress group of individuals composed partly of retirees.

Avenues for Future Research

One of the strengths of the proposed model is that each step may be readily operationalized. Thus, a systematic program of research may be implemented that will progressively examine and generate data for each phase of the model. The first issue that must be addressed is identifying the primary causes of retirement and demonstrating which of the causes are most associated with retirement difficulties. A related area involves specifying the underlying factors relative to the causes that differentiate athletes' responses to retirement, for example, with age, are the fundamental causes physical, psychological, or social changes associated with age.

Second, it will be necessary to clarify the particular factors that are related to adaptation to retirement. For example, how important are developmental experiences, self- and social identity, perceptions of control, and the tertiary contributors to athletes' responses to retirement?

The third area to address involves showing how the presence or absence of available resources influences the retirement process. Specifically, what types of coping skills, social support, and pre-retirement planning mediate the quality of adaption to athletic retirement?

Fourth, if, in fact, retirement difficulties are present, it will be valuable to identify the most common kinds of problems that athletes have following retirement. This research area may be further broken down by sport, gender, level of attainment, and other relevant factors.

Finally, having demonstrated that retirement difficulties are prevalent, it will be important to study the diverse forms of intervention and identify what treatments are most effective with the various difficulty that are experienced by athletes.

In addition, the above research areas must be addressed within the context of how sport and athlete factors influence the athletes' responses to retirement. In particular, how does the type of sport affect the process, for example, individual vs. team, professional vs. amateur, scholastic vs. collegiate? Also, how does the type of athlete, for instance, gender, age, and cultural differences, impact the retirement process?

Conclusion

The purpose of this article was to provide a new conceptualization of the process of retirement among athletes. Drawing on previous theories and the extant literature, this model attempts to offer a comprehensive characterization of the retirement process from inception to completion.

Based on the review of the literature in this article, it seems clear that retirement is an important issue worthy of study. However, though there has been considerable discussion about retirement among professionals in the field, there has been relatively little systematic theory-driven exploration of the area. It is hoped that the integration of current information and the present conceptualization will act as impetus for future theoretical and empirical inquiry.

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THE SOPHOMORE SLUMP AMONG PROFESSIONAL

BASEBALL PLAYERS: REAL OR IMAGINED

Jim Taylor & Kenneth Cuave

Abstract

The sophomore slump is commonly conceptualized as a significant decline in competitive performance during athletes' second year of competition following an outstanding first season. However, despite popular usage of the term, empirical verification of this phenomenon has yet to be demonstrated. The present study explored whether a true sophomore slump exists or whether, as some theorists have argued, it is a misconception based on a lack of understanding of regression toward the mean. This was accomplished by examining archival performance data of Major League baseball hitters and pitchers who had outstanding rookie seasons. Results provided equivocal support for the two proposed explanations. Consistent with the sophomore slump view, one performance measure, home runs, demonstrated the expected pattern at a significant level. However, the results of two performance measures were more consistent with the regression toward the mean interpretation. These findings are discussed relative to the two explanations and their meaning for future research.

The Sophomore Slump Among

Professional Baseball Players:

Real or Imagined?

The notion of the sophomore slump is a widely accepted phenomenon in modern sports culture. It is commonly conceptualized as a significant decline in competitive performance during athletes' second (or sophomore) year at a given level of competition following an outstanding first (or rookie) season. The sophomore slump has received considerable attention from the media (e.g., Gammons, 1988), however, these accounts are typically anecdotal in nature. Consequently, the apparent occurrence of the sophomore slump raises two intriguing questions. First, is the sophomore slump a frequently occurring, empirically verifiable phenomenon that is caused by a common set of identifiable factors? Second, if not, what might explain the development and perpetuation of this popular myth?

There has been no systematic investigation of sophomore slumps in sports. Furthermore, only recently has the general concept of slumps in sports been addressed in an organized, theoretical fashion (Taylor, 1988). In order to initiate the examination of this phenomenon in sports, it will be useful to speculate on possible explanations for the sophomore slump.

Sophomore Slump or Regression

Sophomore slump. It is presently suggested that changes which accompany outstanding play in a rookie year may produce significant stress for the athlete that could adversely affect performance during the sophomore season. Relevant issues include added attention from the media and fans and the resultant visibility which may produce increased anxiety (Martens & Landers, 1972; Zajonc, 1965), self-consciousness (Langer, 1978; Langer & Imber, 1979), and distractibility (Martens & Landers, 1972). Greater time demands may limit off-season physical and technical development. Also, greater expectations (Baumeister, 1984; Baumeister & Steinhilber, 1984; Baumeister, Hamilton, & Tice, 1985) may generate self-doubt about the athlete's ability to live up to these expectations, thereby lowering self-confidence and producing additional anxiety. Further exacerbating these concerns is that the young athletes may possess limited coping repertoires for managing this stress effectively.

Regression toward the mean. An alternative explanation that has been offered for the phenomenon of the sophomore slump is that the decline in performance is a function of a regression toward the mean (Gilovich, 1984; Nisbett, Krantz, Jepson, & Kunda, 1983), that is, a statistical tendency of extreme scores to move toward the group mean (Campbell & Stanley, 1963). From this perspective, outstanding rookie performances are likely to regress toward their actual level of ability (Gilovich, 1984).

The only empirical test of this question to date was conducted by Gilovich (1984) in which he examined the first and second year performances of Hall of Fame baseball hitters. Results indicated that sophomore as compared to rookie performances were not significantly different. However, this finding does not conclusively support the author's assertion that the sophomore slump is nothing more than a regression to the mean. A re-analysis of these data indicated that the majority of Hall of Fame hitters did not have outstanding rookie years. Based on this analysis, these players appear to have begun their careers slowly and improved during the course of their careers. Thus, the majority of these players would not have been faced with the pressures that may emerge following an outstanding rookie season and, as a result, would not be expected to demonstrate a decline in performance during their sophomore year of play.

If the sophomore slump is, in fact, a myth, it would be worthwhile considering how this type of misperception develops. It has been suggested that, due to limited processing capabilities (Simon, 1957), people simplify complex tasks, often sacrificing accuracy for efficiency, thus producing judgment errors (Kahneman & Tversky, 1973). Examples of this kind of judgment error in sports include the "hot hand" in basketball (Gilovich, Vallone, & Tversky, 1985), the putting ability of professional golfers (Diaz, 1989), and the Sports Illustrated jinx (Gilovich, 1984). A common bias that might explain the presence of the myth of the sophomore slump involves the misinterpretation of regression toward the mean in which people tend to incorrectly attribute the decline in performance to the personal, social, and environmental factors rather than to a regression toward the mean (Kahneman & Tversky, 1973; Nisbett & Ross, 1980; Nisbett, Krantz, Jepson, & Kunda, 1983).

An important first step in investigating this question is to provide a precise definition that will allow for the discrimination of a sophomore slump from regression toward the mean. In order to ensure that the decline is not due to a regression toward the mean, it is proposed that evidence of a "rebound effect" must also be present for a decrement in performance to be considered a sophomore slump. A sophomore slump is defined as: "a significant drop in performance during the second year of competition after an outstanding first year performance followed by a significant rebound back toward the original level of performance".

Based on this delineation of the sophomore slump, the following hypotheses are offered:

1) It is expected that, regardless of whether it is due to a sophomore slump or a regression toward the mean, a significant decline in players' performances from their first to second years of play at the Major League level will be evident.

2) If the decrease in performance is due to the sophomore slump, then it is predicted that a significant increase in performance from the players' second to third years of play. However, if the decrement in performance is caused by a regression toward the mean, then it is expected that a rebound effect will not be found and performance will either remain at the sophomore year level or continue to decline.

Method

Subjects

Subjects for this study were drawn from all Major League pitchers who played between 1945 and 1983 and hitters who played between 1960 and 1983 (Note: It was necessary to include pitchers dating back to 1945 in order to obtain an adequate sample size). For inclusion into the sample, they had to have played for at least five years at the Major League level. Their selection for the sample was also based on their performances in their first year of Major League play relative to criteria specified below.

Performance Criteria

Performance levels in the offensive hitting categories of batting average (.300), runs batted in (100), and home runs (30), and in the pitching categories of wins (20), earned run average (3.00), and strikeouts (200) are popularly considered to be outstanding, based on discussions with the archivist for a major baseball publication (S. Gietschier, personal communication, November 16, 1988). Players who met or exceeded these criteria in one or more categories during their rookie seasons were included in the sample. The criteria to be considered a rookie involved, for pitchers, having pitched no more than 50 innings and, for hitters, having not exceeded 130 at-bats at the Major League level in previous seasons (S. Gietschier, personal communication, November 16, 1988). In addition, pitchers and hitters had to have at least 162 innings pitched or 502 at-bats, respectively (the numbers necessary to qualify for post-season pitching and hitting honors), during their rookie year.

In addition, in order to ensure that these popularly conceived criteria were empirically sound, 50 pitchers and 50 hitters with a minimum of 162 innings pitched or 502 at-bats, respectively, were randomly selected from 1978 to 1983 and their means and standard deviations were computed. Players' performances were considered statistically outstanding if they performed at a level one standard deviation above the mean performances of the random sample of players. A statistical comparison of the two types of criteria indicated that, among both pitchers and hitters, there were no significant differences (p> .05). As a result, subsequent analyses were conducted only on the statistically-derived criteria. Outstanding performances in at least one of the statistically-derived criteria were reached by 82 hitters and 22 pitchers.

Procedure

Data for the study were obtained from The Baseball Encyclopedia (Reichler, 1987) which provides a comprehensive raw data compilation of performance statistics of all Major League Baseball players. The performance measures that were used in the analyses include, for hitters, batting average, runs batted in, and home runs, and, for pitchers, wins, earned run average, and strikeouts.

Analyses of covariance with repeated measures were conducted for hitters and pitchers in order to examine difference between years one and two and years two and the average of years three through five. In order to ensure that performance differences were not due to variation in opportunities available to the players, for both analyses, innings pitched and at-bats were controlled statistically for pitchers and hitters, respectively.

Results

Hitters

The analysis of performance differences from the first to second years revealed mixed findings with respect to the experimental hypotheses involving the sophomore slump. Specifically, consistent with predictions for both explanations, home runs declined at a near significant rate from years one to two (F(2,81)=3.60, p<.07). Additionally, in support of the sophomore slump view, home runs increased significantly from years two to the years three through five (F(2,81)=5.81, p<.02). Effect sizes ranged from .21 to .26. In contrast, the results for batting average coincided with the regression toward the mean perspective. Batting average declined significantly between years one and two (F(2,82)=35.61, p<.001) and remained at that level for the subsequent aggregate three years (p>.05). Effect sizes were between .19 and .65. Finally, there were no significant changes in runs batted in across the three measurement points. Effect sizes were .12.

Pitchers

Equivocal results were found for the pitchers. There was no significant change in wins or strikeouts across the three assessment points (ps>.05). Effect sizes ranged from .06 to .31. Earned run average declined significantly from the first year to years three through five (F=(1,20), p<.05) Effect sizes ranged from .21 to .43.

Discussion

The sophomore slump among athletes has been conceptualized as a significant decline in performance from the first to second year of play at a given level of competition followed by a significant rebound after the second year back toward the rookie year level of performance. The latter notion of the rebound effect is critical in that it distinguishes a sophomore slump from a regression toward the mean of ability.

The equivocal findings of this study offer little firm evidence endorsing either the sophomore slump or regression to the mean explanations. In support of the sophomore slump view, the results for home runs indicated the expected decline and subsequent rebound effect. It should be noted that a power analysis of the current data indicated adequate power for the sample of hitters. However, for the pitchers, which comprised several nonsignificant trends, the power was only .28. For an analysis with a moderate effect size (.25), an alpha level of .05, and a power of at least .80, 75 to 80 subjects would have been necessary (Cohen, 1988). As a consequence, the absence of significance may be due to insufficient sample size.

Conversely, the findings for batting average were consistent with the regression toward the mean perspective. Performance in this area declined following players' rookie seasons and did not rebound. Finally, the absence of change in earned run average was not supportive of either interpretation.

The lack of clearly valenced findings may be explained in several ways. First, these analyses may have been conducted at too molar a level. As posited in the introduction, a variety of personal, social, and environmental factors may influence the occurrence of the sophomore slump. It may be that consideration of archival data is not sensitive enough to fully reveal performance differences that do exist. Second, the quality of the team, which contributes to the productivity of each player, was not assessed. It might be necessary to control for team quality in order to separate out its effect on individual player productivity.

It should also be pointed out that the findings in support of the regression toward the mean explanation may be interpreted in a manner that is also consistent with the notion of the sophomore slump as presently conceptualized. One possible explanation is that the absence of a rebound in performance following the second year is, in fact, an unremediated slump. In other words, a return to rookie year performance levels is inhibited by psychological, physical, or technical damage resulting from the sophomore slump that has not be treated and the lack of development of effective coping skills.

There are also some practical implications to these findings, particularly for baseball owners and management. It appears that outstanding rookie performance may not always be a strong predictor of long-term success. Consequently, these results suggest that it would be unwise for owners to sign outstanding rookies to costly long-term contracts based on their first year performances. In addition, it is a fairly common practice to trade or release a veteran player when a rookie outperforms the experienced player. This practice is based on the assumption of continued outstanding play on the part of the rookie. Once again, the present findings indicate that this action may not be advisable.

Viewing this study as a whole, the findings are equivocal in their support of the two explanations for changes in baseball performance across time. It is impossible at this point to draw any conclusions about this relationship. Before such a conclusion may be made, further investigations would be warranted examining this phenomenon using additional performance indices, at other levels of ability, in other sports, and, most importantly, looking at process variables associated with athletic performance. Once these issues have been studied, then it may be possible to conclude decisively whether the sophomore slump is a naturally-occurring phenomenon or a perceptual bias on the part of observers.

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Martens, R., & Landers, D. M. (1972). Evaluation potential as a determinant of coaction effects. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 8, 347-359.

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Nisbett, R. E., & Ross, L. (1980). Human inference: Strategies and shortcomings of social judgment. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall.

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Simon, H. (1957). Models of man: Social and rational. New York: Wiley.

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Zajonc, R. B. (1965). Social facilitation. Science, 149, 269-274.

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EXAMINING THE BOUNDARIES OF SPORT

 SCIENCE AND PSYCHOLOGY TRAINED

PRACTITIONERS IN APPLIED 

SPORT PSYCHOLOGY:

TITLE USAGE AND AREA OF COMPETENCE

Jim Taylor

Abstract

This article examines the issues of title usage, area of competence, and the boundaries of appropriate practice for professionals in applied sport psychology trained in either psychology or sport science programs. Considerable discussion is focused on the legal and ethical ramifications of the title of sport psychologist and who may and may not use it. Emphasis is also placed on defining and clarifying area of competence as it pertains to the two educational backgrounds. Drawing upon previous writing in the area and literature from outside sport psychology, guidelines are offered for determining whether professionals are performing within their area of competence based upon their education, training, and experience in three domains: presenting problem, intervention skills, and client population.

Examining the Boundaries of Sport Science

and Psychology Trained Practitioners in

Applied Sport Psychology:

Title Usage and Area of Competence

Over the past 50 years, the development of the field of applied sport psychology has progressed along two avenues. Originally, sport psychology was an outgrowth of the study of motor learning within physical education departments (Silva, 1989) and the majority of practitioners in the field emerged from that area. More recently, others from specializations within psychology departments including the clinical, counseling, social, personality, physiological, cognitive, health, and developmental areas have become involved in applied sport psychology (Taylor, 1991). In fact, the membership of the Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology (AAASP, 1990) is fairly evenly divided between psychologists (46%) and physical education trained practitioners (41%), though only 11 out of 95 programs listed in the Directory of Graduate Programs in Applied Sport Psychology (AAASP, 1993) are housed in psychology departments.

These divergent educational paths have produced substantial discussion in the past 10 years over the most appropriate training in applied sport psychology (Dishman, 1983; Nideffer, Feltz, & Salmela, 1982; Taylor, 1991). This debate has also led to attempts to elucidate five important aspects of applied sport psychology: (1) what professionals of differing backgrounds may legally and ethically call themselves (AAASP, 1989), (2) specify the kinds of problems that athletes present with, (3) define and categorize the various types of interventions used in the sports setting, (4) clarify the education and training that is necessary to treat certain problems and engage in particular interventions (AAASP, 1989; United States Olympic Committee (USOC), 1983), and (5) determine the boundaries of ethical practice for professionals trained in either the sport sciences or psychology. These issues have important ramifications for the field of applied sport psychology at several levels.

Silva (1989) and Gardner (1991) suggest applied sport psychology is characterized by its interdisciplinary origins and development. They also assert that it is important for professionals of differing backgrounds to respect the contributions of each group or "more turf protection and name calling is likely to develop..." (Silva, 1989, p. 271). However, the growing pains of this emerging field, with its lack of definition and clarity in terms of appropriate boundaries of practice, make this cooperation and mutual regard more difficult. Silva (1989) states that organizational guidance and "interdisciplinary efforts can deflect the development of adversarial relationships" (p. 271) between those of different educational backgrounds.

What this discussion suggests is that it is important for professionals in applied sport psychology, regardless of the discipline within which they studied, to understand what they may legally and ethically label themselves as, their particular areas of competence, the boundaries of practice as defined by their education and training, and to adhere to state laws, and American Psychological Association (APA) and AAASP guidelines regarding ethical practice.

Title Concerns in Applied Sport Psychology

The issue of title has significant legal implications in the practice of applied sport psychology. The field of applied sport psychology has seen considerable popular and professional growth in recent years. Additionally, there has been increased regulation of mental health services by states. These two developments may make simply using the title, "psychologist", problematic for many practitioners (Brown, 1982; Gardner, 1991). Consequently, as a precursor to addressing area of competence, it is important that the professionals of the emerging field of applied sport psychology understand the ramifications of the use of the title, "sport psychologist". Specifically, most states limit the use of any derivative of the term, "psychology" in a professional title to those individuals who meet the following criteria: (1) possess a doctoral degree that is primarily psychological in nature from an accredited postgraduate institution, (2) pass all requirements for licensure as a psychologist, or (3) are employed by a state, county, municipal agency or educational institution and only in the course of conducting their duties in that position (State of Colorado, 1992; State of Florida, 1991).

To further clarify title and boundary issues, it is also worthwhile to consider how states define "psychologist" and the "practice of psychology". For example, the State of Colorado (1992) defines "psychologist" as "a person who practices psychotherapy and engages in the practice of psychology and who is licensed... " (p. 18). It defines the "practice of psychology" as:

"... the holding out of any person to the public as offering psychological services based on the scientific study of psychology, to individuals, groups, or organizations for compensation. The term includes, but is not limited to: (a) The use of psychological methods of interviewing and consulting for the purpose of evaluating the mental or emotional functioning of a person; (b) The construction, administration, and interpretation of tests assessing intellectual abilities, personality characteristics, cognitive skills, psychopathology, and psychophysiological characteristics; (c) The diagnosis and treatment of emotional, behavioral, and mental disorders or the psychological aspects of physical dysfunction; (d) The methods and procedures of psychotherapy and psychological counseling, including but not limited to biofeedback, hypnotherapy, and individual, couple, family, and group therapy; (e) The application of research methodologies, statistics, and experimental design to psychological data. (p. 17-18)

It should be noted that state laws related to title and practice vary and professionals should contact their state regulatory agencies in order to learn the particular regulations that may affect them.

Sport science trained professionals. The issue of title for sport science trained consultants was illustrated recently by a sport science trained professional who, after receiving considerable media attention while working with a professional baseball player, was required by his residing state to change his professional title from "sport psychologist" because he was in violation of statutory licensing laws (Strauss, 1992).

As such, professionals who are not licensed or who do not meet exemptions are violating the law and subject to legal action. To date, as just mentioned, only one individual has been held accountable for this title protection, but considering the increased media attention given to sport psychology and the widespread use of the title, "sport psychologist", within the field, greater scrutiny and enforcement may be expected. As Gardner (1991) states "practitioners in the field must carefully consider the risk of legal action when choosing to use this title in their professional lives" (p. 57). It is presently suggested that the title, "mental training consultant", be used by nonlicensed professionals because it is not in violation of state laws and it is highly descriptive of the services provided by these practitioners.

Psychologists. Though the use of the title, "psychologist", is legal if licensed or exempted, it may be inappropriate for psychology trained professionals to call themselves sport psychologists. It may be considered unethical if the clinicians do not have education, training, and experience suitable to practice in that area. Keith-Spiegel and Koocher (1985) indicate that there is considerable debate about what criteria comprise competence in specialties, subspecialities, and areas of expertise. For example, the APA recognizes clinical, counseling, industrial/organizational, and school psychology as distinct specialties (APA, 1987). However, training in any of these areas does not guarantee competence in any subspecialty within them and, in fact, a lack of proper education and/or specialized training increases the probability of incompetence. For example, a Ph.D. in clinical psychology, a 10-year practice in individual psychotherapy, and a workshop and readings in family therapy, does not entitle a professional to hold him/herself out as a family therapist (Keith-Spiegel & Koocher, 1985).

Thus, it may be concluded that licensed psychologists do not have de facto grounds to hold themselves out to the public as sport psychologists. It would be appropriate and ethical for these psychologists to list working with athletes as an area in which they practice. Only with adequate experience and supplemental training would it be reasonable for them to use the title, "sport psychologist".

Defining Area of Competence

State regulations. As indicated above, all 50 states and the District of Columbia regulate the title, "psychologist" (Brown, 1982). However, state licensure requirements only assess general competence in the field of psychology. That is, state boards stipulate threshold criteria of education, training, and experience necessary to use the title, "psychologist." Moreover, most states only specify a few specialty areas within psychology: clinical, counseling, industrial/organizational, and school (e.g., State of Colorado, 1992; State of Florida, 1991). State laws authorize licensed psychologists to engage in a wide variety of clinical services, for example, biofeedback and neuropsychogical assessment, yet licensed individuals may not be competent to practice in these areas (Pope & Vasquez, 1991). State laws do, however, stipulate that competence to practice in a specialized area be documented with coursework, training, and supervised experience.

Pope and Vasquez (1991) also state that "competence is complex and difficult to define. Licensing boards and the civil courts sometimes define criteria...however they tend to require simply that...the clinician...possess demonstrable competence. Generally, this evidence comes in the form of the clinician's formal education, professional training, and carefully supervised experience" (p. 51-52).

APA ethical principles. The American Psychological Association adds little clarity to our understanding of competence. Principle A of the APA Ethical Principles of Psychologists (APA, 1992) states the following about competence:

Psychologists recognize the boundaries of their competence and the limitations of their expertise. They provide only those services and only use those techniques for which they are qualified by education, training, or experience. Psychologists are cognizant of the fact that the competencies required for serving, teaching, and/or studying groups of people vary with the distinctive characteristics of those groups. In those areas in which recognized professional standards do not yet exist, psychologists exercise careful judgment and take appropriate precautions to protect the welfare of those with whom they work. (p. 1599)

Keith-Spiegel and Koocher (1985) write that "ethical codes, for example, are general in nature and give too few specifics to permit easy identification of incompetent practice" (p. 226). The APA periodically endeavors to clarify incompetence and unethical practice with the use of case examples. However, the determination of competence is left to the professional. Yet, as Pope and Vasquez (1991) point out, professionals are not often effective evaluators of their own strengths and limitations. They further recommend that "the practitioner be prudent and conservative in assessing whether additional training is required. In such circumstances, it is best to consult colleagues who are widely regarded as experts in the particular area for their guidance regarding adequacy of both training and practice standards" (p. 225).

Both the states and the APA assess competence in terms of professionals' education, training, and experience. However, as mentioned previously, there has been little clarification of appropriateness in the above three areas beyond the minimal thresholds outlined by state regulations and APA ethical principles. This concern is particularly relevant for professionals who want to work in a new area.

Two relevant points need to be made at this juncture. First, many applied practitioners do not have to adhere to the APA Ethical Principles. In fact, only psychologists, members of APA, and those who choose to must follow these guidelines. Second, though AAASP is considering adopting the APA Ethical Principles, as yet this has not occurred, so AAASP members are not required to adhere to them.

Competence in Applied Sport Psychology

Within the field of applied sport psychology itself, the issue of competence has been contested. Silva (1989) suggested that competence is a function of the setting in which the professional works. He asserts that clinical psychologists may be violating Principle A if they have "no formal coursework or training experiences in sport psychology or the sport and exercise sciences" (Silva, 1989, p. 271). As a result, he is suggesting that the setting, or, more specifically, the client population, in which a professional works influences area of competence.

In contrast, Gardner (1991) asserted that competence is defined in terms of skills. He further indicates that "most current techniques used in applied sport psychology... have come out of advances in psychological science" (p. 56). He adds that "inexperience in a given setting is not by definition a statement of incompetence if technical training or proficiency has been achieved" (Gardner, 1991, p. 57).

As indicated above, the recent revision of Principle A of the Ethical Principles (APA, 1992) states "Psychologists are cognizant of the fact that the competencies required in serving, teaching, and/or studying groups of people vary with the distinctive characteristics of those groups" (p. 1599). This statement from APA clearly indicates that possessing the requisite skills does not ensure competence in working with a particular client population. It should be noted that the views of both Silva (1989) and Gardner (1991) were published prior to the revised Ethical Principles and that the previous Ethical Principles (APA, 1990) made no mention of client population as a relevant consideration in determining competency.

The Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology has attempted to provide a more clear statement of competence through its certification program. In response to state laws regulating the use of the term, "psychologist", AAASP awards a generic title, "certified consultant", to those professionals who meet the certification requirement (for specific requirements, see AAASP, 1989). Also, like the APA, AAASP only specifies minimal levels of competence based on education and experience rather than indicating the relevant training necessary for particular types of problems, interventions, and populations. AAASP does, however, employ an exclusionary clause indicating the scope of services in which certification does not demonstrate competence. According to AAASP, activities beyond the range of services associated with the title include diagnosis and treatment of psychopathology, marital and family therapy, third party billing, and use of regulated psychological tests (AAASP, 1989).

Clarifying Area of Competence in Applied Sport Psychology

The discussion to this point indicates that no agency or organization has provided a specific and clear definition of competence that may be used within the field of applied sport psychology. Rather, each group leaves the evaluation of competence to the individual professional. However, it is argued presently that a more rigorous delineation of competence is needed within the field of applied sport psychology because of the divergent educational paths that are taken (Taylor, 1991), the lack of consensus of appropriate training, the diversity of services that are provided, and the blurred line between educational and clinical issues and techniques.

Though Silva (1989) and Gardner (1991) argue for the client population and techniques as the criteria for competence, respectively, neither addresses all of the potential determinants of competence. It is presently suggested that, when assessing competence in a particular area, professionals must judge whether they have appropriate education, training, and experience in three critical areas: (1) the identified problem, (2) the required intervention skills, and (3) the use of those techniques with the particular problem in the current or similar client population.

Presenting problem. Contrary to Gardner (1991), possession of relevant skills alone is not sufficient evidence of competence. Having certain skills without the knowledge of how to apply them effectively to a particular problem could result in inappropriate intervention that could violate Principle E of the Ethical Principles of Psychologists (APA, 1992), namely, concern for others' welfare. So education and experience in the appropriate application of those skills to particular problems is also necessary. Even within clinical psychology, formal training with a specific problem is typically required. Thus, it may be concluded that, without some level of prescribed experience with a certain problem, clinical psychologists working with a sport-specific problem could be practicing outside of their area of competence.

Are then clinical psychologists acting unethically if they practice in sport psychology with no formal training with sport-specific problems? A key issue is whether the problems that arise with athletes are different than those that were addressed in their training and experience. It might be argued that performance difficulties presented by athletes differ little from other performance-based deficits such as social skills, sexual dysfunction, and phobias (Garfield & Bergin, 1978). As such, their clinical training would lend itself well to sport performance problems (Gardner, 1991). Moreover, two of the most common issues presented by athletes, self-confidence and anxiety (LeUnes, Wolf, Ripper, & Anding, 1990), are common concerns within the clinical field and psychologists typically receive extensive training with respect to their treatment (Garfield & Bergin, 1978). Thus, it appears that clinical psychologists would be acting ethically in addressing sport-related problems as long as they were issues for which they had received formal training, though not necessarily with athletes.

Sport science trained professionals face similar questions on this issue. A doctoral degree in sport science does not ensure competence for every performance-related problem presented by athletes. Thus, sport science trained practitioners are also restricted to addressing performance-related problems for which they received formal training and supervised experience solely within sport.

A difficulty that may arise for sport science trained consultants involves adequately assessing the presenting problem as either sport-specific or more general in nature. Fortunately, procedures have been developed to aid in this process (Taylor & Schneider, 1992). Within this assessment issue, a critical guideline that should govern area of competence for these professionals is whether the difficulty is sport performance-related.

A clinical problem is typically conceived of as any difficulty that significantly interferes with an individual's normal daily functioning including health, daily habits, work, and relationships for an extended period of time (Garfield & Bergin, 1978). Applied to the sports domain, an athlete who experiences a loss of motivation to train, but remains unimpaired in other areas of her life, would be considered to be in the performance enhancement domain. However, if an athlete in a prolonged performance slump has difficulty getting out of bed in the morning and neglects his schoolwork and relationships, then a clinical approach may warranted.

As suggested by AAASP (1989), sport science trained professionals should only address problems that are clearly isolated to the sport performance realm. Dealing with any difficulties beyond the sport setting, for example, relationships or school difficulties, would be outside their area of competence and, therefore, further involvement with the athlete in this area could be considered unethical.

Intervention skills. Gardner (1991) points out that most of the interventions used in applied sport psychology are, in fact, clinical techniques taken from the cognitive-behavioral orientation used in a non-clinical setting. Most clinical psychologists with such a cognitive-behavioral orientation receive extensive coursework, up to four years of predoctoral supervised experience, and one year of postdoctoral supervision in these techniques, though not within the sports domain. Moreover, in contrast to the assertion of Williams and Straub (1986), psychologists with a cognitive-behavioral orientation ascribe to a skills deficit model rather than one stressing pathology. Thus, their approach is more similar to that taken by sport science trained practitioners than the views held by others within their field such as psychodynamic (Langs, 1988) and humanistic/existential (Yalom, 1981) psychologists. Gardner (1991) then may be right in suggesting that "the basic training of clinical/counseling psychologists makes their entry into the athletic setting quite rational" (p. 57) if they practice from a cognitive-behavioral orientation.

Sport science trained professionals may also obtain coursework and supervised training in cognitive-behavioral strategies, though it is largely based in an athletic setting. This training suggests their competency with cognitive-behavioral interventions is limited to a circumscribed set of problems, that is, those sport-specific performance enhancement issues for which they received training specifically with athletes. However, due the absence of programmatic uniformity in physical education-based programs similar to that established with APA approval of clinical and counseling psychology, there is no way to tell whether students truly have sufficient coursework and supervised experience.

A useful heuristic suggested by Ravizza and Osborne (1991) is the notion of the "performance loop". This loop, which encompasses all aspects of performance from pre-competitive training and planning to post-competitive evaluation, provides a clear boundary of area of competence for sport science trained practitioners. In other words, these consultants are trained to offer interventions for issues that arise anywhere within this circle.

Assessment and intervention of any problems outside of this loop would be considered outside the professional's area of competence and, thus unethical, because he/she did not receive education, training, or supervised experience in areas beyond the circumscribed performance loop. Moreover, should the performance difficulties generalize to areas outside of the athlete's competitive performance during the course of consultation, a referral should be made to a professional skilled in those areas.

Client population. Silva (1989) argues that the setting, which has been clarified here as client population, in which professionals practice dictates their area of competence. That is, practitioners should only work with a client population for which they have received formal training and supervised experience. Consistent with Silva's assertion, Principle A (APA, 1992) specifically includes client population in its delineation of area of competence. Thus, it seems appropriate that client population should be considered in assessing area of competence in applied sport psychology. The possession of certain intervention skills and experience in treating a particular problem does not necessarily assure competence without consideration of the client population in which the services will be provided. The gray area in this issue arises in having to determine whether one client population differs significantly from another. For example, does a college athlete with sport-related anxiety problems differ from a college student with a test anxiety problem? Unfortunately, there are no guidelines to assist professionals in making this judgment. As mentioned earlier, the states and APA leave this determination up to the individual professional.

Silva (1989) used the sports domain as a blanket setting in which professionals work. However, identifying athletes in general as being the client population may assume a homogeneity that does not exist. There may be issues unique to athlete subgroups that must be addressed in order to establish competence to work with particular groups within the athlete population. It may be more appropriate to consider specific groups within sport that might influence the determination of area of competence. In particular, client population may be categorized by age, gender, race/ethnicity, level of ability, type of sport (individual or team), physical demands (e.g., fine or gross motor skill, aerobic or anaerobic), type of individual (e.g., athlete, coach, administrator, or parent), or amateur or professional status. Experience in working with one group does not ensure competence to work with another that is demographically different. For example, working with junior individual sport athletes does not necessarily demonstrate competence to work with professional team sport athletes.

Regardless of whether professionals are trained in psychology or sport science, there is no guarantee that their training will make them competent to practice in a particular client group within sports. As a result, practitioners should be cognizant of whether their experience in one athletic setting makes them competent to work in another sports setting. Professionals making such a transition without supplemental training and supervision might be considered as practicing outside of their area of competence.

Conclusion

The purpose of this article was to educate consultants in applied sport psychology about the legal and ethical boundaries that limit their professional practice with athletes. Two issues are seen as most important and worthy of reiteration. First, the issue of title, that is, what we should call ourselves, needs to be carefully considered by all practitioners in the field. Second, in all professional interactions, there must be a commitment (for the welfare of the client) to remain within the boundaries of ethical practice by either working exclusively within our areas of competence or seeking supervision or collaboration when new areas are broached.

It is hoped that the clarification of the roles that practitioners of differing educational and training backgrounds may play will demonstrate the significant contributions that psychology and sport science trained professionals can make in their respective areas. This mutual understanding and appreciation could then reduce the conflict and turf protecting alluded to by Silva (1989) and Gardner (1991) that could seriously damage the field as a whole. Rather, it could engender the cooperation and harmony that is necessary for the continued growth of applied sport psychology in the future.

References

American Psychological Association. (1990). Ethical principles of psychologists. American Psychologist, 45, 390-395.

American Psychological Association. (1992). Ethical principles of psychologists and code of conduct. American Psychologist, 47, 1597-1611.

Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology. (1989). AAASP certification plan. Chapel Hill, NC: Author.

Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology. (Winter, 1990). AAASP Newsletter, 5, 2.

Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology. Directory of graduate programs in applied sport psychology. Philadelphia, PA: Author.

Brown, J.M. (1982). Are sport psychologists really psychologists? Journal of Sport Psychology, 4, 13-18.

Dishman, R.K. (1983). Identity crises in North American sport psychology: Academics in professional issues. Journal of Sport Psychology, 5, 123-134.

Gardner, F.L. (1991). Professionalization of sport psychology: A reply to Silva. The Sport Psychologist, 5, 55-60.

Garfield, S., & Bergin, A. (1978). Handbook of psychotherapy and behavior change: An empirical analysis (2nd ed.). New York: Wiley.

Keith-Spiegel, P., & Koocher, G.P. (1985). Ethics in psychology. New York: Random House.

Langs, R. (1988). A primer of psychotherapy. New York: Gardner.

LeUnes, A., Wolf, P, Ripper, N., & Anding, K. (1990). Classic references in Journal of Sport Psychology, 1979-1987. Journal of Sport and Exercise Psychology, 12, 74-81.

Nideffer, R.M., Feltz, D., & Salmela, J. (1982). A rebuttal to Danish and Hale: A committee report. Journal of Sport Psychology, 4, 3-6.

Pargman, D. (October, 1988). Sport psychology training within a department of movement science and physical education. Paper presented at the annual meetings of the Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology, Nashua, NH.

Pope, K.S., & Vasquez, M.J.T. (1991). Ethics in psychotherapy and counseling. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass.

Ravizza, K., & Osborne, T. (1991). Nebraska's 3 R's: One-play-at-a-time preperformance routine for collegiate football. The Sport Psychologist, 5, 256-265.

Silva, J.M. (1989). Toward the professionalization of sport psychology. The Sport Psychologist, 3, 265-273.

State of Colorado (1992). Colorado mental health statute. Denver, CO: Author.

State of Florida (1991). Florida mental health statute. Tallahassee, FL: Author.

Strauss, J. (1992, January 1). Llewellyn plans to meet with state authorities, continue work with Braves. Atlanta Constitution, pp. C3.

Taylor, J. (1991). Career direction, development, and opportunities in applied sport psychology. The Sport Psychologist, 5, 266-280.

Taylor, J., & Schneider, B.A. (1992). Sport-clinical intake protocol. A comprehensive interviewing instrument for applied sport psychology. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 23, 318-325.

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Williams, J.M. (October, 1988) Sport psychology graduate preparation model: Major in psychology and minor in sport psychology through an exercise and sport science department. Paper presented at the annual meetings of the Association for the Advancement of Applied Sport Psychology, Nashua, NH.

Williams, J.M., & Straub, W.F. (1986). Sport psychology: Past, present, future. In J.M. Williams (Ed.), Applied sport psychology: Personal growth to peak performance (pp. 1-13). Palo Alto, CA: Mayfield.

Yalom, I. (1981). Existential psychotherapy. New York: Basic.

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A CONCEPTUAL MODEL OF THE INTEGRATION OF

ATHLETIC NEEDS AND SPORT DEMANDS IN

THE DEVELOPMENT OF COMPETITIVE MENTAL

PREPARATION STRATEGIES

Jim Taylor

Abstract

Applied sport psychology consultants address similar issues and use many of the same techniques when working with athletes. One thing that makes consultants effective is their ability to take the general information and commonly used techniques and apply them to the specific needs of the athletes and the particular demands of the sport. This article provides a conceptual model that describes several critical aspects in the development of competitive mental preparation strategies: (1) a complete understanding of the specific needs of the athlete; (2) detailed knowledge of the particular demands of the sport; (3) integration of this information in order to identify the most critical psychological factors that will affect performance; and (4) a the development of the most effective competitive mental preparation strategies for the specific athlete in the particular sport. This will be illustrated with a detailed examination of three sports: alpine ski racing, tennis, and golf. This discussion is presented in several stages. First, the most effective means of gaining an in-depth understanding of an athlete is described with the use of subjective and objective assessment. Second, the critical physical, technical, and logistical differences between sports will be delineated. Third, the roles that key psychological factors play and what priority they should be given in each sport will be discussed. Fourth, the article will identify the strategies that are most suitable to each mental factor within each sport.

A Conceptual Model for the Integration of

Athlete Needs and Sport Demands

in the Development of Competitive

Mental Preparation Strategies

Applied sport psychology consultants around the world address many of the same issues and use many similar techniques when working with athletes to enhance their performances. No consultant seems to have a secret method that enables him or her to be more effective than others when helping athletes. This can be seen in a perusal of topics found in a variety of applied sport psychology books currently available (e.g., Dorfman & Kuehl, 1990; Gauron, 1984; Martens, 1987; Nideffer, 1992; Orlick, 1990; Taylor, 1994; Williams, 1993). Commonly discussed psychological factors and interventions include motivation, confidence, anxiety, concentration, progressive relaxation, activation, focusing, positive thinking, goal setting, and mental imagery. One important factor that may contribute to the effectiveness of consultants is their ability to take this general information and the commonly used techniques and apply them to the specific needs of the athletes and the particular demands of the sport.

As a result, it is critical for consultants to gain a full understanding of the athletes with whom they work and have an in-depth knowledge of the particular sport (Ravizza, 1988). To this end, a conceptual model is presented that details the critical issues that must be considered in developing effective competitive mental preparation strategies for the athletes. The article will then explore each stage of the model as a means of providing consultants with a framework with which to organize and integrate relevant information about the athletes and the sports within which they work. Specifically, a discussion of athlete needs will be considered, with special attention given to how best to develop a complete understanding of athletes. Second, by examining three sports (alpine ski racing, tennis, and golf), important differences in the nature and demands of sports will be clarified. Third, based upon the previous examination of the sports, the psychological requirements of the sports will be detailed. Fourth, with relevant information about the athlete and the sport obtained, the consultant can integrate these data in order to identify the focus of the intervention. Finally, the consultant is able to most effectively develop the competitive mental preparation strategies that will result in optimal athletic performance for the specific athlete in the particular sport.

Understanding Athlete Needs

Athletes vary significantly in their psychological needs and how they respond to different approaches and interventions aimed at enhancing performance (Jones, 1993; Krane, 1993). As a result, it has been the experience of this author that the use of prescriptive, "menu-driven" programs for athletes tends to be less effective (Maynard & Cotton, 1993; Savoy, 1993). In developing mental training programs, the first priority is to understand the individual needs of the athletes. There are many psychological factors that have been reported in the literature to be related to athletic performance including self-awareness (Ravizza, 1993; Singer, Lidor, & Cauraugh, 1993), trust, (Moore & Stevenson, 1994), motivation (Thomas & Over, 1994), confidence (Daw & Burton, 1994; Thomas & Over, 1994), intensity (Maynard & Cotton, 1993), concentration (Thomas & Over, 1994). Based upon a review of the literature and professional experience, it is suggested that particular attention be given to the latter four (Brewer & Shillinglaw, 1992; Cohn, 1991; Gould, Eklund, & Jackson, 1992; Mahoney, Gabriel, & Perkins, 1987).

Though these four factors have been defined in a variety of ways by theorists and practitioners alike, for the present purposes, the definitions offered by Taylor (1994) will be used due to their particular utility in an applied setting. Motivation is characterized as the ability to persist at an activity in the face of boredom, fatigue, pain, and the desire to do other things. Confidence is defined as how strongly athletes believe in their ability to learn or execute a skill, compete at a certain level, or succeed in competition. Intensity is depicted as the degree of physiological arousal athletes experience immediately prior to and during competition, and the valence (positive vs. negative) they place upon their physiological state. Concentration is defined as the ability to focus on performance-relevant aspects of the attentional field.

Though the four factors are offered as the focus for intervention, consultants should not restrict themselves to them. Rather, they should use their own professional experience and observations of the athletes with whom they work to recognize the most relevant psychological factors that impact their performance.

Identifying the unique role that these and other factors play with each athlete is important because there is evidence that psychological contributors to performance are not always linear in nature or the same for all athletes; rather there are ideal levels of each that will lead to optimal performance for athletes (Hanin, 1980; Taylor, 1987; Yerkes & Dodson, 1908). Moreover, there is no ideal level for all athletes. Instead, athletes will vary on where they perform best along the continuum (Taylor, 1987). For example, according to the Yerkes-Dodson (1908) inverted-U principle, intensity needs to be at a moderate level for optimal performance. Intensity that is too high or low will result in poor performance. Hanin (1989), in his Zone of Optimal Functioning theory, defined optimal intensity as the level of intensity "that enables a particular athlete to perform his/her personal best" (p. 22). Hanin (1980) further suggested that this ideal level of intensity is an individual response; it is different for everyone. Ideal intensity may be high for some athletes and low for others. The same can be said for self-confidence and motivati